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[2] 

MESSAGE 



FROM 



THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES^ 



\ 



COMMENCEMENT OF THE SECOND SESSION 



OF 



THE FIFTEENTH CONGRESS. 



November 17, 1818. 

Read, and committed to a committee of the whole House, on the state of the Union. 



T 



WASHINGTON: 



^^^ PRINTED BY E. DE KRAFFT. 

^ 1818. 










t) 



.:*^" 



[2] 



MESSAGE. 

Fellow -citizens of the Senate 

and oj the House of Representatives. 

The auspicious circumstances under which you will commence 
the duties of the present session, will lighten the burden insepara= 
ble from the hi.a:h trust committed to you. The fruits of the earth 
have been unusually abundant: commerce has flourished^ the reve- 
nue has exceeded the most favorable anticipation, and peace and 
amity are preserved with foreign nations, o» conditions just and hon- 
orable to our country. For these inestimable blessings, we cannot 
but be grateful to that Providence which watches over the destinies 
of nations. 

As the term limited for the operation of the commercial convene 
tion with Great Britain will expire early in the month of July next, 
and it was deeme'l important that there should be no interval, dur- 
ing which that portion of our commerce, which was provided for by 
that convention, should not be regulated, either by arrrangement be- 
tween the two governments, or by the authority of Congress, the 
minister of the U. S. at London w. s instucted, early in the last sum- 
mer, to invite the attention of the Bi'itish gov^ernment to the subject, 
with a view to that object. He was instructed to propose, also, that 
the negotiation which it was wished to open, might extend to the 
general commerce of the two countries, and to every other interest 
anrl unsettled difference between them; particularly those relating 
to impressment, the fisheries, and boundaries, in the hope that an 
arrangement might be made, on principles of reciprocal advantage, 
which might comprehend, and provide, in a satisfactory manner, for 
all these high concerns. I have the satisfaction to state, that the 
proposal was received by the British government in the spirit which 
prompted it, and that a negotiation has been opened at London, 
embracing all these objects. On full consideration of the great ex- 
tent and magnitude of the trust, it was thought proper to commit it 
to not less than two of our distinguished citizens, and, in conse- 
quence, the envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of 
the United States at Paris, has been associated with our envoy ex- 
traordinary and minister plenipotentiary at London; to both of 
wliom corresponding instructions have been given; and they are now 
engaged in the discharge of its duties. It is proper to add, that, to 
prevent any inconvenience resulting from the delay incident to a ne- 
gotiation on so many important subjects, it was agreed, before en- 
tering on it, tliat the existing convention shonld be continued for a 
term not less tlian eight years. 



4 . [a] 

Our relations with Spain remain nearh^ in the state in whicli 
they were at the close of the last session. The convention of 1802, 
providini^ for t]ie adjustment of a certain portion of the clai s of 
our citizens for injuries Sustained hy spoliation, and so lon.e; sus- 
pended by the Spanish a'overnment, has at lengtli been ratified by it; 
but no arrauji^ement has yet been made for the payment of another 
portion of like claims* not less extensive or well founded, or for 
other classes of claims, or for the settlement of boundaries. These 
subjects have as^ain been broujs^ltt under consideration in both coun- 
tries, but no agreement has been entered into respectins: them. In 
the mean time, events have occurred, which clearly prove the ill ef- 
fect of the policy which that government has so long pursued, on th® 
friendly relations of the two countries, which, it is presumed, it is at 
least of as much importance to Spain, as to the United States, to 
maintain. A state of tilings has existed in theFloridas, the tenden- 
cy of which has been obvious to all who have paid the slightest at- 
tention to the progress of affairs in that quarter. Tliroughout the- 
whole of those provinces to which the Spanish title exteiids, the go- 
vernment of Spain has scarcely been felt. Its authority has been 
confined almost exclusively to the walls of Pensacola and St. Au- 
e;ustine, witlnn which only small garrisons have been maintained. 
Adventures from every country, fugitives from justice, and abscond- 
ing slaves have found an asylum there. Several tribes of Indians 
strong in the number of their warriors, remarkable for their feroci- 
ty, and whose settlements extend to our limits, inhabit those pi-o- 
vinces. These different liordes of people, connected together, dis- 
regarding, on the one side, the authority of Spain, and protected, on 
the other, by an imagisiary line^ which separates Florida from the 
United States, have violated our laws proliibiting the introduction 
of slaves, have ])ractised various frauds on cur i-evenue, and com- 
mitted every kind of oistrage on our peaceable citizens, which their 
proximity to us enabled them to perpetrate. TIse invasion of Ame- 
lia Island, last year, by a small band of adventurers, not exceeding 
one hundred and fsfty in number, who wrested it fi'om the inconsi- 
derable Spanish force stationed there and held it several months,, 
during wlnchj a single feeble effort only was made to recover it, 
which failed, cleaj'ly proves how completely extinct the Spanish an* 
thorlty had become; as the conduct of those adventurers, while in 
possession of the island, as distinctly shows the pernicious purposes 
for wliich their combination had been formed. 

This country Isad, in fact, become t!ic theatre of every species of 
lawless adventure. With little jjopulation of its own, tiie Spanish 
authority almost extinct, and the colonial govenments in a state of 
revolution, having no pretention to it, and suihciently emjdoyed in 
their own concerns, it was in a great measure derelict, and the ob- 
ject of cupidity, to every adventurer. A system of bucanneering 
was rapidly organizing over it, v, hich menaced, in its conset|uences. 



[23 5 

the lawful commerce of every nation, and particularly of the United 
States; while it presented a temptation to every people, on \vhose 
seduction its success principally depended. In re.^ard to the United 
States, the pernicious effect of this unlawful combination, was not 
confined to the ocean. The Indian tribes have constituted the ef- 
fective force in Florida. With these ti'ibes, these adventurers had 
formed, at an early period, a connection, with a view to avail them- 
selves of that force, to promote their own projects of accumulation 
and a.e^j^randizement. It is to the interference of some of these. ad- 
venturers, in misrepresentini^ the claims and titles of the Indians to 
land, and in practicing on their savage propensities, that the Semi- 
nole war is principally to be traced. Men who thus connect them- 
selves with savage communities, and stimulate them to war, which 
is always attended, on their part, with acts of barbarity the most 
shocking, deserve to be viewed in a worse light than the savages. 
They would certainly have no claim to an immunity from the pun- 
ishment, which, according to the rules of warfare practised by the 
savages, might justly be inflicted on the savages, themselves. 

If the ensbarrassments of Spain prevented her from making an 
indemnity to our citizens, for so long a time, from her treasury, for 
their losses by spoliation, and otherwise, it was always in her pow- 
er to have provided it, by the cession of this territory. Of this, her 
government has been repeatedly apprized, and the Cession was the 
more to have been anticipated, as Spain must have known that, in 
ceding it, she would, in effect, cede what had become of little value to 
her, and would likewise relieve herself from the important obliga- 
tion secured by the treaty of 1795, and all other compromitments 
respecting it. If the United States, from consideration of these 
embarresments, declined pressing their claims in a spirit of hostili- 
ty, the motive ought, at least, to have been duly appreciated by 
the government of Spain. It is well known to her government that 
other powers have made to the United States an indeminity for like 
losses, sustained by their citizens at the same epoch. 

There is, nevertheless, a limit, beyond which this spirit of ami- 
ty and forbearance can, in no instance be justified. If it was pro- 
per to rely on amicable negotiation for an indemnity for losses, it 
w^ould not have been so to have permitted the inability of Spain to 
fulfil her engagements, and to sustain her authority in the Fioridas, 
to be perverted, by foreign adventurers and savages, to purposes so 
destructive to the lives of our fellow-citizens, and the highest inte- 
rests of the United States. The right of self-defence never ceases. 
It is among the most sacred and alike necessary to nations and 
to individuals. And, whether the attack be made by Spain herself, 
or by tiiose who abuse her power, its obligation is not the less strong. 
The invaders of Amelia Island had assunsed a popular and respect- 
ed title, under which tliey might appi'oach and wouiid us. As tlscir 
object was distinctly seen, and the doty imposed on t'je executive* 



'6 rsl 

by ajp jexist'm^ faW, #a^ prof6uYi<lly felt; that mask was not pei*- 
niTttefl to protect them. It was thoua^h^ incuinbent on th UnUed 
States to suppress the establishment, and it was accordinj^ly done. 
The combination in Florida, for the unlawful purposes stated, the 
acts perpetrated by that combination, and, above all, the incitement 
of the Indians, to massacre our fellow-citizens, of every age, and of 
both sexes, merited a like treatment, and received it. In pursuing 
these savag;es to an imajs^inarv Mnef in the woods, it would have been 
the hei.^ht of folly to liave suffered that line to protect them. Had 
that been done, the war could never cease. Even if the territory 
had been, exrUssivelv, that of Spain, and her power complete over 
it, we had a ri.2:]it, by the law of nations, to follow the enemy on it, 
jind to subdue him there. But, the territory belong^ed, in a certain 
sense, at least, to the sava.i^e enemy who inhabited it; the power of 
Spain had ceased to exist over it, and protection was sought, under 
\nr title, by those who had com»nitted on our citizens, hostilities 
Av' ''•'» she was hound by treaty to have prevented, but had not the 
power 'O prevent. To have stopped at that line, would have given 
new encouragement to these savages, and new vigor to the whole 
combination existing there, in the prosecution of all its pernicious 
purposes. 

In suppressing the establisliment at Amelia Island, no un- 
friendliness was manifested towards Spain, because the post was 
taken from a force which had wrested it from her. The measure^ 
it is true, was not adopted in concert with the Spanisli government, 
or those in authority under it; because, in transactions connected 
V itli the war in which Spain and the colonies are engaged, it was 
thougl'.t proper, in doing justice to the United States, to maintain a 
strict impartiality towards both the belligerent parties, without con- 
sulting or acting in concert with either. It gives me pleasure to 
fii-^tf', that the s:overnments of Buenos Ayres and Venezuela, whose 
mmcs vrore assumed, have explicitly disclaimed all participation 
in those measures, and even the knowledge of them, until commu- 
nicated by tiiis government, and have also expressed their satisfac- 
tion tliat a coui'se of proceedings had been suppressed, which, if 
justly imputable to them, would dishonor their cause. 

in authorizing major general Jackson to enter Florida, In 
pursuit of the Seniino'es, care was taken, not to encroach on the 
riglits of Spain. I regret to have to add, timt, in executing this 
order, facts were disclosed, respc(^ting the cciuduct of the ofhcers of 
S]}ain, in authnrity there, in encouraging the war, furnishing mu- 
nitions (jf war, and otiier su]?jd5es, to carry it on, and in other acts, 
not less maj'ked, wiiich evinced their pai-tiripation in the hostile 
]nn"p(5ses of tliat connbination, arsd justified the conadence, with 
which it inspived the savages, that, by thoruofncers they wou]:) be 
protected. A ccmdurt so incompatibl'' wiili the friendly relcvii;u»s 
existing between the two countries, partictjiarly with the positive 



[83 7 

abUgation of the 5th article of the treaty of 1795, by which Spain: 
Wis br.uiid to restrain, even by force, those savages, from acts of- 
hostility ai^ainst the United States, couki not fail to excite surprise. 
The commanding general was convinced that he should fail in his 
object, that he should in effect accomplish nothing, if he did not de- 
prive those savages of the resource on which they had calculated, 
and of the protection on which they had relied in making the war. 
As all the documents relating to this occurrence will be laid before 
Congress, it is not necessary to enter into further detail respecting 
it. 

Although the reasons which induced major general Jackson 
to take these posts were duly appreciated, there w^, nevertheless, 
no hesitation in deciding on the course which it becitoie the govern- 
ment to pursue. As there was reason to believe that the command- 
ers of these posts had violated their instructions, there was no dis- 
position to impute to their government a conduct so unprovoked and 
hostile. An order was in consequence issued to the gep.eral in com- 
mand there, to deliver the posts; Pensacola, unconditionall, to any 
person duly authorized to receive it; and St. Marks, which is in 
the heart of the Indian country, on the arrival of a competent force, 
to defend it against those savages and their associates. 

In entering Florida to suppress this combination, no idea was 
entertained of hostility to Spain, and, however justifiable the com- 
manding general was, in consequence of the misconduct of the Spa- 
nish officers, in entering St. Marks and Pensacola, to terminate it, 
by proving to the savages and their associates, that they should not 
be protected, even there; yet the amicable relations, existing be- 
tween the United States and Spain, could not be altered by tliat act 
alone. By ordering the restitution of the posts, those relations 
were preserved. To a change of them, the power of the executive 
is deemed incompetent. It is vested in Congress only. 

By this measure, so promptly taken, due respect was shown to 
the government of Spain. The misconduct of her officers has not 
been imputed to her. She was enabled to review with candor, her 
relations with the United States, and her own situation, particularly 
in respect to the territory in question, with the dangers inseparable 
from it; and, regarding the losses we have sustained, for which in- 
demnity has been so long withheld, and the injuries we liave suffered 
through that territory, and her means of redress, she was likewise 
enabled to take, with honor, the course best calcillated to do justice 
to the United States, and to promote her own welfa!*e. 

Copies of the instructions to the commanding general; of his cor- 
respondence with the Secretary of War, explaining his motives, and 
justifying his conduct, with a copy of the proceedings of the courts 
martial, in the trial of Arbuthnot and Ambristie; and of the corres- 
pondence between the Secretary of State and the ministei* plenipo- 
tentiary of Spain, near this government: and of the minister pleni- 



8 [2] 

potentiary of the United States, at Madrid, with the government of 
Spain, will be Jaul before Congress. 

The civil war, wiiich has so long prvailed between Spain, and 
the provinces in South America, still continues without any prospect 
of its speedy termination. The information respecting the condi- 
tion of those countries, which has been collected by the Commission- 
ers, recently returned from thence, will be laid before Congress, in 
copies of their reports, with such other information as has been re- 
ceived from other agents of the United States. 

It appears, from these communications, that the government of 
Buenos Ayres declared itself independent in July 1816, having pre- 
viously exerci^ the power of an independent government, though 
in the name oflihe King of Spain, from the year 1810: that, tlie 
Banda Oriental, Entre Rios, and Paraguay, with the city of Santa 
Fee, all of which are also independent, are unconnected with the 
present government of Buenos Ayres: that Chili has declared itself 
independent, and is closely connected with Buenos Ayres: that Ve- 
nezuela has also declared itself independent, and now maintains the 
conflict with various success; and that the remaining parts of South 
America, except Monte Video, and such other portions of the East- 
ern bank of tiie La Plata as are held by Portugal, are still in the 
possession of Spain, or, in a certain degree, under her influence. 

By a circular note addressed by the ministers of Spain to the 
allied powers with whom they are respectively accredited, it appears 
that the allies have undertaken to mediate between Spain and the 
South American provinces, and that the manner and extent of their 
interposition would be settled by a Congress, which was to have met 
at Aix-la-Chapelle in September last. From the general policy and 
course of proceeding observed by the allied powers in regard to this 
contest, it is irii'erred that they will confine their interposition to the 
cxpressi(jn of tlieir^ sentiments; abstainidg from the application of 
force, i state this impi^ession, that force will not be applied, with 
the greater satisfaction, because it is a course more consistent with 
jiistice, and likewise authorizes a hope that the calamities of the war 
will be confined to the parties only, and will be of shorter dui*ation. 

From the view^ taken of this subject, founded on all the infor- 
maticm that we have been able to obtain, there is good cause to be 
satisfied with the course heretofore pursued by the United States^ 
in regard to this contest, and to conclude, that it is proper to adhere 
to it, especially in tne present state of affairs. 

i have great satisfaction in stating, that our relations with 
F nuce, Russia, and other powers, continue on the most friendly 
basis. 

iii our domestic concerns we have ample cause of satisfaction. 
Tiie receipts into tlie Treasury, during the three first quarters of 
the yviir^ have exceeded seventeen millions of dollars. 

After satisfy ing ail the demands ^Yhich have been made under 



[2] 9 

existing appropriations, including the final extinction of the old six 
per cent, stock, and the redemption of a moiety of the Louisiana 
debt, it is estimated that there will remain in tlie Treasury, on the 
first day of January next, more than two millions of dollars. 

It is ascertained that the gross revenue which has accrued from 
the customs during the same period amounts to twenty-one millions 
of dollars, and that the revenue of the whole year may be estimated 
at not less than twenty-six millions. The sale of the public lands 
during the year has also greatly exceeded, both in quantity and 
4)rice, that of any former year; and there is just reaaon to expect a 
progressive improvement in that source of revenue. 

It is gratifying to know, that, although the annual expenditure 
lias been increased, by the act of the last session of Congress, pro- 
viding for revolutionary pensions, to an amount about equ^l to the 
proceeds of the internal duties, which were then I'epealed, the reve- 
nue for the ensuing year will be propoi-tionably augmented, and 
that, whilst the puplic expenditure will probably remain stationary, 
each successive year will add to the national resouj'ces, by the or- 
dinary increase of our population, and by the gradual developement 
of our latent sources of national prosperity. 

The strict execution of the revenue laws, resulting principally 
from the salutary provisions of the act of tlie 20tb of April last, 
amending the several collection laws, has, it is presumed, secured 
to domestic manufactures all I he relief that can be derived from the 
duties, which have been imposed upon foreign merchandise, for their 
protection. Under the influence of this relief, several branches of 
this important national interest have assumed greater activity, and, 
although it is hoped that others will gradually revive, and ultimate- 
ly triumph over every obstacle, yet the expediency of granting fur- 
ther protection is submitted to your consideration. 

'i'he measures of defence, authorized by existing laws, have 
been pursued with the zeal and activity due to so important an ob- 
ject, and with all the despatch practicable in so extensive aud great 
an undertakij»g. The survey of our maritime and inland frontiers 
has been continued; and, at the points wheie it was decided to erect 
fortifications, tlie work has been coinmei\ced, and, in some instances, 
considerable jirogress has been made. In compliance with resolu- 
tions of the last session, the board of commissioners were directed to 
examine in a particular manner the parts of the coast therein desig 
nated, and to report their opinion of the most suitable sites for two 
naval depots. This work is in a train of execution. The opinion 
of the board on this subject, w^ith a plan of all the works necessary 
to a general system of defence, so tar as it has been formed, will be 
laid before Cor.grcss, in a report from the proper department, as 
soon as it can be prepared. 

In conformity with the ap])ropriations of the last session, trea- 
ties have been formed with the Quapawt^ribe of indiaus, inhabiting^ 

2 



10 P2] 

the country on the Arkansaw, and with the Great and Little Osages 
north of the White river; with the tribes in the state of Indiana; ' th 
the several tribes within the state of Ohio, and the Michigan 
territory; and with the Chickasaws; by which very extensive 
cessions of territory have been made to the United States. Ne- 
gotiations are now dependin,^ witli the tribes in the Illinois territo- 
ry, and with the Choctaws, by which it is expected that other exten- 
sive cessions will be made. I take great interest in stating thattiic 
cessions already made, which are considered so impj)rtant to the 
Uni^^^ed States, have been obtained on conditions very satisfactory to 
the Indians. 

With a view to the security of our inland frontiers, it has heen 
thought expedient to establish strong posts at the mouth of the Yel- 
low Stone River, and at the Mandan village, on the Missouri: and 
at the mouth of St. Peters, on the Mississippi, at no great distance 
from our northern boundaries. It can hardly be presumed, while 
«uch posts are maintained in the rear of the Indian tribes, that they 
will venture to attack our peaceable inhabitants. A strong hope is 
entertained that this measui'e wilj likewise be productive of much 
good to the tribes themselves; especially in promoting the great ob- 
ject of their civilization. Experience has clearly demonstrated, 
that independent savage communities cannot long exist within the 
limits of a civilized population. The progress of the latter has, al- 
most invariably, terminated in the extinction of the former, espe- 
cially of the tribes belonging to our portion of this hemisphere, 
among whom, loftiness of sentiment, and gallantry in action, have 
beeji conspicuous. To civilize them,^ and even to prevent their ex- 
tinction, it s.eems to be indispensable that their independence, as 
communities, should cease, and that the control of the United States 
over them sliould be comj)lete and undisputed. The hunter state 
will then he more easily abandoned^ and recourse will be had to the 
acquisition and culture of land, and to other pursuits tending to dis- 
solve the ties wliich connect them together as a savage community, 
and to give a new character to every individual. I present this 
subject to the consideration of Congress, on the presumption that it 
may be found expedient and practicable to adopt some benevolent 
provisions, having these objects in view, relative to the tribes within 
our settlements. 

It has been necessary, during the present year, to maintain a 
strong naval force in the Mediterranean, and in the Gulf of Mexi- 
co, and to send some public ships along the Southern coast, and to 
the Pacific Ocean. By these means, amicable relations with the 
Barbary powers have been preserved, our commerce has been pro- 
tected, and our rights respected. The augmentation of our navy is 
advancing, with a steady progress, towards the limit contemplated 
by law. 

I communicate, with great satisfaction, the accession of another 
state, Illinois, to our Unions because I perceive, from the proof af- 



[2] 



11 



forded by the additions already made, the re.^ular proj*ress and sure 
consummation of a policy, of which liistory affords no example, and 
of which the .^ood effect cannot be two bij^iily estimated. B} ex- 
tendin.?^ our ecovernment, on the principles of our constitution over 
the vast territory within our limits, on the Lakes and the Mississip- 
pij and its numerous streams, new life and vi^or are infused into eve-^ 
l*y part of our system. By increasin.u; the number of the states* the con- 
fidence of the state s^ovcrnments in theirown security is increased, and. 
their jealousy of the national £^overnntent proportionally diminished. 
The impracticability of one consolidated G^Overiunent for this great 
and growing; nation will be more apparent, and will be universally 
Jidmitted. Incapable of exercising local aut!iority, except for gene= 
ral purposes, the general government v> ijj no longer be dreaded. In 
those cases of a local nature, and for pJJ tlie great purposes for which 
it was instituted, its authority will be clierished. E.di gover'iment 
will acquire new force and a greater fi'cedom of action, within it^ 
proper sphere. Other inestimable advantages wil Ifoltow: our produce 
will be augmented to an incalculable amoijnt,in articles of the greatest 
value for domestic use and foreign commerce. Our navigation will, 
in like degree be increased; and, as tlie shipping of tlie Atlantic 
states will be employed in the transportation of the vast produce of 
the western country^ even those parts of the United States, which 
are most remote from each otiier, will be further bound together 
by the strongest ties wiiich mutual interest can create. 

The situation of this District, it is thought* requires the atten-= 
tion of Congress. By the constitution, tlie power of legislation ie 
exclusively vested in the Congi'ess of the United States. In the ex 
crcise of this power, in wliichthe people have no participation^ Con- 
gress legislate in ail cases, directly* on the local concerns of the Dis- 
trict. As this is a departure^ for a special ])urpose, from the general 
principles of our system, it may merit consideration, whether an ar- 
rangement better adapted to the principles of our government, and 
to the particular interests of tlie people, may not be devised, which 
will neither infringe the constitution* nor affect the object which the 
provision in question was intended to secure. The growing popula* 
tion, already considerable, a!id the increasing business of the Dis- 
trict, which it is believed already interferes with the deliberations 
of Congress on great national concerns, furnish additional motives 
for recommending this subject to your consideration. 

"When we viewtiie great blessings with which our country has 
been favored, those which we now enjoy, and the means which we 
possess of handing them down, unimpaired, to our latest posterity, 
our attention is irresistibly drawn to the source from whence they 
flow. Let us then unite in offering our most grateful acknowled|»- 
ments for these blessings to the Divine Author of all good. 

JAMES MONROE, 

M^o^ember leth, 1818. 



M " 



DOCUMENTS 

KEFERRED TO IN THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE AT THE COMMENCE- 
MENT OE THE SECOND SESSION OF THE 
EIFTEENTH CONGRESS, 

Mr. Rodney to the Becretary of State, 

Washington^ 5th Mv, 1818. 

SIR, 

I have the honor to present the report herewith enclosed^ 
agreeably to the desire of Mr. Graham^ who, on reflection, prefer- 
red submitting some additional Remarks, in a separate paper. For 
this purpose, two of the documents referred to in the report, remains 
in his possession — Dr. Fune's outline of events in the United Prov« 
inces, since the revolution, and the manifesto of independence by the 
Congress at Tucuman, 

I have the honor to be, 

With great respect 

Your most obedient servant, 

(Signed) C. A. RODNEY. 

Hon, John Q. Adamst Secretary of State. 



Mr. Rodney to the Secretary of State, 

SIR, 

I have now the honor to submit to your consideration, my re- 
port on the subject of the late mission to South America, embracing 
the information derived from the various sources within my power, 
so far as I had an opportunity of improving the advantages possessed, 

With the history of the conquest of the Spanish possessions in 



14 [2] 

America, you must be familiar. They were principally, if not ex- 
clusively, achieved by private adventurers. When completed, a 
ttiost oppressive system of government, or rather despotism, was es- 
tablished by the parent country* 

These extensive regions, were originally, swayed by two vice- 
foys. The dominions of Spain in North America, were under the 
government of the vice roy of Mexico, and all her possessions in 
South America, were to the control of the vice roy of Peru. 

The remoteness of some parts of the country from the residence 
©f the vice roy at Lima, occasioned, in 1718, the establishment of 
another vice royalty at Santa Fee de Bogota, in the kingdom of New 
Grenada. In 1731, New Grenada was divided, and a number of the 
provinces composing that kingdom, were separated from it. These 
were put under the jurisdiction of a captain general and president, 
whose seat of government was at Caraccas. 

In 15fe8, Chili was erected into a separate captain generalship; in 
1778, a new vice royalty was established at Buerios Ayres, compre- 
hending all the Spanish possessions to the east of the Western Cor- 
dilleras and to the south of the river Maranon* 

This immense empire seems, according to the laws of the Indies, 
to have been considered a distinct kingdom of itself, though united 
to Spain, and annexed to the crown of Castile. In this light, it is 
viewed by baron Humboldt, in his essay on New Spain. 

With some slight shades of difference in the regulations esta- 
blished in these governments, the prominent features of their politic 
cal institutions, exhibit a striking resemblance, as the general system 
was the same. 

Their commerce was'confined to the parent country, and to Span- 
ish vessels exclusively. They were prohibited, under the penalty of 
death, to trade with foreigners. The natives of old Spain, composed 
the body of their merchants. Though this part of the system, had, 
previously to the revolution, been relaxed, in some degree, particu- 
larly by the statute of free commerce, as it is styled, the relief was 
partial, and the restrictions continued severe and oppressive. 

All access to the Spanish settlements was closed to foreigners,, 
and even the inhabitants of the different provinces, were prohibited 
from intercourse with one another, unless under the strictest regula* 
tions. 

The various manufactures, that might interfete with those of 
Spain, were not permitted. They were prevented under severe pen- 
alties from raising flax, hemp, or saffron. In climates most congenial 
to them, the culture of the grape and the olive was prohibited, oa 
account of the distance of Peru and Chili; and the difficulty of trans- 
porting oil and wine to these remote regions, they were permitted to 
plant vines and olives, but were prohibited the culture of tobacco. 
At Buenos Ayres. by special indulgence of the vice roys, they were 
allowed to cultivate grapes and olives, merely for the use of the table. 



[2] 



IS 



I 



They were compelled to procure from the mother country, arti- 
cles of the first necessity: and were thus rendered dependant on her 
for the conveniences of life, as well as luxuries. The crown possess- 
ed the monopoly of tobaceo, salt, and gunpowder. 

To these oppressive regulations and restrictions was added an 
odious system of taijation. From the Indians, was exacted a tribute 
in the shape of a poll tax, or a certain servitude in the mines, called 
the mita. A tenth part of the produce of cultivated lands, was takea 
under the denomination of tithes. The alcavala, a tax varying from 
two and an half, to five per cent, on every sale and resale of all things 
moveable and immovable, was rigidly exacted, though in some cases 
a commutation was allowed. Royal and municipal duties were laid 
on imports and on the tonnage, entrance and clearance of vessels, un- 
der the different appellations of almoxarifasgo, sea, alcavalla, cerso, 
consulado, armada, and armadilla. To these may be added the 
royal fifths of the precious metals, the most important tax in the min- 
ing districts. Besides all these, there were stamp taxes, tavern 
licenses, and sums paid for the sale of offices, of titles of nobility, pa- 
pal bulls, the composition and corfirmation of lands, with a number 
of others of inferior grade. 

Under the Spanish monarchs, who had early obtained from the 
pope the ecclesiastical dominion, and thus had united in their royal 
persons, all civil and religious authority, a most oppressive hierachy 
was established with its numerous train of offices and orders, succeed- 
ed by the inquisition 

The posts of honor and profit, from the highest to the lowest, 
were filled almost exclusively by natives of old Spain. 

The principal code of laws thus maintain the supremacy of 
Spain over those distant regions, almost locked up from the rest of 
the world, emanated from the council of the Indies established by 
the king, in which he was supposed to be always present. The 
royal rescripts, the recopitationes of the Indies, and the partidas fur- 
nished the general rules of decision; and when these were silent or 
doubtful, recourse was had to the opinions of professional men. 

This system was generally executed by the vice roys, captains 
general, and by the tribunals of justice, with a spirit, corresponding 
with the rigorous policy that produced it. To this form of govern- 
ment, the country had for centuries submitted with implicit obedi- 
ence, and probably would have continued to submit much longer, 
but for events in this country and the changes in Europe. The sa- 
gacious minds of many able writers, penetrating into the future, had 
predicted at some distant date, a revolution in South America, be- 
fore that in North America had commenced. From the period of 
the successful termination of our own struggle for independence, 
that of the inhabitants of the south, has been with more confidence 
foretold; and there is reason to believe it has been hastened by this 
fortunate event. The conduct of Spain, during the war of our re« 



16 pj 

volution, was calculated to malce a lasting impression on her colo- 
nies. This result was then foreseen by intelligent politicians; many 
were surprised that she could be so blind to her o\vn interests, after 
she had on one occasion, manifested the strongest suspicion of para- 
guay; for to her scrupulous jealousy of this power, the expulsion of 
the Jesuits from that country in 1750 is to be attributed. 

The wars that arose from the French revolution, have produced 
in Europe, changes of the greatest magnitude, which have had an 
immense influence on the affairs of South America. When Spain 
joined France against the cumbined princes, she exposed her dis- 
tant possessions to British hostilities. The great naval power of 
England, gave her ready access to the American colonies. Engag- 
ed in an ardous contest, she was prompted by her feelings and in- 
terests, to retaliate on Spain, the conduct she experienced from her 
during the war of our independence. Encouraged, perhaps, by the 
councils of her enemies, the first symptoms of insurrection, in the 
continental possessions of Spain, were exhibited in the year 1797, 
in Venezuela, These were succeeded by the attempts of Miranda 
in the same quarter, which were accompanied, or were followed 
since the vacillating state of the Spanish monarchy, by revolutionary 
movements in Mexico, Grenada, Peru, Chili, and Buenos Ayres; 
and from which, scarcely any part of the Spanish dominions ia 
America has been entirely exempt. 

The occurrences that led the way to the subsequent important 
events in the provinces of La Plata, were the invasion of the British 
under Popham and Berresfordin the year 1806, and their expulsion 
a few months afterwards, by the collected forces of the country un- 
der Leniers and Pueyrredon. These incidents fortunately gave to 
the people a just idea of their own strength, and they afterwards re- 
pelled with a firmness andbraverv, that did them great honor, the 
formidable attack of the British under general Whitlocke. 

The wretched state to which Spain was reduced by the policy, 
the power, and the arts of Napoleon, the resignation of Charles the 
4th in favor of Ferdinand the 7th, and the renunciation by both, in 
favor of Napoleon, were productive of the most important results. 
They threw the kingdom into the greatest confusion. The alternate 
successes and disasters of the French armies, produced a new era in 
Spain. The people generally, revolted at the idea of being govern- 
ed by the brother of Napoleon, to whom he had transferred the 
crown. Juntas were established, who acted in the name of Ferdi- 
nand, then confined in France. These were substituted for the an- 
cient Cortes, and the regular council of the nation, to which in times 
of imminent danger, they ought to have recurred agreeably to their 
usages. Conflicting authorities, produced a distracted state of af- 
fairs. In the scenes that ensued, the proper attention was not paid 
to the American provinces. Their conduct towards them, was ver- 
satile and inconsistent, they were lost sight of or neglected, until it 



[2] 



17 



was too late. Conceiving they were abandoned Ey the parent state, 
they thought it justifiable to act for theipselves. It was not very 
long before the inhabitants of Buenos Ayres, embracing the example 
of their brethren in Spain, established ja junta, which assumed the 
reins of government, and finally, in the year 1810, sent off the vice 
roy Cisneros, and his principal adherents. For a summary of events 
subsequent to this period, until the time of my departure, I beg 
leave to refer to the outline subjoned (Appendix A) from the pen of 
Dr, Funes, drawn up in part at my request. Without vouching for 
the perfect accuracy of the work, I think from the information re- 
ceived, it will probably be found to contain, in general, a correct and 
impartial sketch, of the prominent transactions and occurrences. 

In perusing this interesting document, I have to lament, that 
its pages are marked with some cases of severity and cruelty, which 
seem almost inseparable from great revolutions. It must however 
be consoling to observe, that they appear to have passed through 
that state, which might possibly have rendered examples necessary, 
and to have arrived perhaps, at that stage, when the passions beco- 
ming less turbulent, and the people more enlightened, a milder sys« 
tem may be expected to prevail. 

Their dissenlions have produced most of their calamities. la 
such seasons they were naturally to be expected. But their disputes 
have been principally henled, by the prudent and energetic measures 
of the congress, which commenced its sittings in Tucuman in the 
year 1815, and adjourned in the year following from thence to Buenos 
Ayres, where it remained in session, occupied v/ith the task of form* 
ing a permanent constitution. This respectable body, besides actmg 
as a convention, or a constituent assembly, exercises temporily legis^ 
lative powers. Their sittings are public with a gallery of audience, 
for citizens and strangers. The debates are frequently interesting, 
and are conducted with ability and decorum; they are published 
every month for the information of the people. 

The dispute with Artigas, the chief of the Orientals, has not 
been adjusted. This, with a certain jealousy of the superior influ* 
ence of the city of Buenos Ayres, on the general affairs of the pro- 
vinces; the conduct of the government of Buenos Ayres, towards 
the Portuguese, and the high tariff of duties which I understand 
have been since reduced, appeared to constitute the principal causes 
of dissatisfaction at the time of my departure. 

The declaration by Congress of that independence, which they 
had for many years previously maintained in fact, was a measure 
of the highest importance, and has been productive of an unanimity 
and a decision before unknown. This summit of their wishes, was 
only to be reached by slow and gradual progress. The public mind 
had to be illumined on the subject by their pulpits, their presses, and 
their public orations. The people were to be prepared for the event, 
Ifvhen the season arrived, they cut the knot which could ijotbe untiedi 

3 



18 [o] 

The declaration of independence was adopted in the directorship of 
Mr. Pueyrredon, on the 9th day of July, 1816. It was succeeded by 
an able exposition of the causes that extorted it, to justify, to their 
fellow citizens and to the world, the measure they had deliberately 
voted to support with their fortunes and their lives. 

Believing the latter paper might be thought worthy of perusal^ 
a translation has been annexed (Appendix B.) 

The salutary influence of this bold and decisive step, was once 
felt throughout the country. It gave new life and strength to the 
patriotic cause, and stability to the government. The victories of 
Chacabuco and Maipu. achieved by the arms of Chili and Buenos 
Ayres, have produced and confirmed a similar declaration of inde* 
pendence by the peeple of Chili, which is also annexed, (Appendix 
C) and cemented the cordial union, existing between the confederate 
states. The consequence has been, that within these extensive ter- 
ritories, there is scarcely the vestige of a royal army to be found, 
except on the borders of Peru 

Having thus, in connection with the succinct account given by 
Dr. Funes, traced the principal events, since the revolution in Bue- 
nos Ayres, I shall droceed to state the result of the information re- 
ceived, according to the best opinion I could form of the extent, pop- 
ulation, government and resources of the United Provinces, with 
their productions, imports, and exports, trade and commerce. 

The late vice royalty of Buenos Ayres, of which that city was 
the metropolis, was by many considered the largest, as well as the 
most valuable of all the Spanish dominions in South America, ex- 
tending in a direct line, from its north to its south boundary, a dis- 
tance of more than tv/^o thousand miles; and from its eastern to its 
western, not less than eleven hundred. 

It was composed at the commencement of the revolution of the 
nine provinces, or intendencies following: Buenos Ayres, Paraguay, 
Cordova, Salta, Potosi, La Plata, Chochabamba, La Paz and Puno. 

Watered by the great river La Plata and its numerous tributary 
streams, which afford an easy communication with countries of an 
immense extent, and furnishing an easy access to the treasures of 
South America, it has always been regarded by Spain, as one of her 
most precious acquisitions. Enjoying every variety of climate to 
be found between different and distant latitudes, and blessed with a 
large portion of fertile soil, it is capable of producing all that is to be 
found in the temperate or torrid zones. Immense herds of cattle 
and horses graze on its extensive plains, and constitute at this time 
their principal source of wealth. The mines of Potosi are also in- 
cluded within its boundaries. There are no woods for a very consid- 
erable distance from Buenos Ayres. No forest trees are to be seen on 
the widely extended pampas, except at intervals a solitary umboo. 
After passing the Saladillo, in a northerly direction the woods begin, 
and proceeding in the upper provinces, the hills appear, and moun- 



[23 



Id 



tains rise in succession, interspersed with rich vallies. On the east 
side of the rivers La Plata and Parana, the country is said to be 
very fine. The Entre Rios, is represented as capable of being made 
a garden spot; and the Banda Oriental presents hills and dales, rich 
bottoms, fine streams of water, and at a distance from the great river 
on the banks of the smaller streams, some excellent woodland. Be- 
tween Maidonada and Monte Video, the east ridge of the Cordilleras 
terminates on the river La Plata. 

Since the revolution, five more provinces have been erected, 
making in all, fourteen within the limits of the ancient vice royalty 
viz. Tucuman taken from Salta, Mendoza or Cuyo, taken from Cor- 
dova, Corrientes, Entre Rios, comprising the country between the 
Uruguay, and the Parana, and the Banda Oriental, or eastern shore 
of the river La Plata. The two last were taken from the province of 
Buenos Ayres, which was thus reduced to the territory on the south 
aide of that river. The subordinate divisions of the country, with 
the principal towns, will be found in the appendix to this report, with 
an account of the produce, or manufactures of the different districts. 
(Appendix D.) 

Of the fourteen provinces into which the ancient vice royalty is 
now divided, five were at my departure, principally occupied by the 
royal forces, (which inconsequence of the victory of Maipu, were ex* 
pected soon to retreat to lower Peru,) or partially under their influ- 
ence, viz. Potosi, La Plata, Cochabamba, La Paz, and Puno: and the 
nine following independent, defacto of Spain, were in the possession 
of the pataiots, viz. Buenos Ayres, Paraguay, Mendoza, Salta, Cor* 
rientes, Entre Rios, and Banda Oriental. But Paraguay, and the 
city of Sata Fee, act independently of Buenos Ayres. Though Par* 
aguay is not on unfriendly terms with them, and it is hoped by some 
will before long join the union. Entre Rios and the Banda Orien- 
tal, under general Artigas in the character of chief of the Orientals, 
are in a state of hostility with Buenos Ayres, 

Monte Vid^o the capital of the Eastern shore, was occupied by a 
Portuguese army, and a squadron of ships of war from Brazil, block- 
aded the ports of Colonia and Maldovado, and prohibited the en- 
trance of neutral vessels, unless they paid them the same duties on 
their cargoes, that were charged on the importation of the goods 
when landed in the country. 

The territory of the United Provinces is computed to contain 
one hundred and fifty thousand square leagues though it probably ex- 
ceeds that quantity. The lands occupied in the country, remote from 
the cities are general converted by their owners, into estanias, or 
large grazing farms for cattle, and chacras for growing grain.— 
The small farms, or quintas, in the neighborhood of cities, are in fine 
order. Those around Buenos Ayres, which furnish their market, 
with an ample supply of fruit and vegetables, are by irrigation, in the 
highest state of culture. 



^0 [2] 

The population, exclasive of the Indians, is now calculated at 
about one million three hundred thousand: but adding the civilized 
Indians only, who are of great importance, it would in all, probably 
exceed two millions. 

'J'he whole population consists of nations of old Spain, and their 
descendants born in the country, or as they style themselves, South 
Americans; of Indians civilized, or unreclaimed, with different 
'*casts," or mixed bloodj of Africans, and their descendants, or ne- 
groes and mulattoes. 

I could not ascertain with satisfaction, the population of the dif- 
ferent provinces: the province of Buenos Ayres, contains about one 
hundred and twenty thousand, whilst the population of Entre Rios 
and Banda Oriental is computed at fifty thousand- 

The city of Buenos Ayres contains a population of sixty thou- 
sand. The inhabitants of this place, appear to be amiable and an in- 
teresting people. They are considered brave and humane; possess- 
ing intelligence, capable of great exertions and perseverance, and 
manifesting a cheerful devotion to the cause of freedom and inde- 
pendence. 

There Is also a certain mediocrity and equality of fortune pre- 
vailing among them, extremely favorable to a union of the popular 
sentiment, in support of the common weal. Many industrious me- 
chanics, and enterprising merchants, are, however increasing their 
estates, and adding to the stock of capital in the country. 

The people of the province of Buenos Ayres, residing out of the 
city, are, generally speaking, poor, and rather indolent. Though a 
hardy race, and when excited to action, they become zealous de- 
fenders of the liberties of their country. They are capable of great 
improvement, and under the influence of a good example, when a 
change takes place in their habits and manner of living, they bid fair 
to become useful and industrious citizens. 

The inhabitants of Cordova, are said to be more superstitious, 
and more industrious, but less patriotic. This is principally attribut- 
ed to the loss of the trade with Peru, occasioned by the revolutionary 
war. 

Tucuman, I was informed, possessed an excellent population. 

The people of Mendoza, or Cuyo, are moral, industrious and 
patriotic. They have sacrificed largely at the shrine of independ- 
ence, supporting v/ith zeal and confidence, the causeof their country; 
whilst the citizens of Santa Fee, are represented, as immoral and 
unsubordinate, and manifesting on most occasions, an extreme jeal- 
ousy of their neighbors. 

The populatian of Entre Rios and Banda Oriental, is perhaps 
not inferior in valor to that of Buenos Ayres. Nor is it deficient in 
lYiilitary skill, particularly in carrying on a partizan warfare, for which 
its troops are admirably adapted. Their other good qualities, have 
been probably somewhat impaired by the system pursued in that 



m 



Si 



quarter, where they have been compelled to give up every thing like 
civil avocations, and to continue without any regular kind of govern- 
ment, under the absolute control of a chief, who, whatever may be 
his political principles, or professions, in practice concentrates all 
power, legislative, judicial, and executive in himself. 

The general congress of the United Provinces, assembled at Bu- 
enos Ayres, on the 3d of December, of 1817, established by a provi- 
sional statute, a temporary form of government, which will be found 
in Appendix marked E. 

T'his congress is comprised of deputies from the different prov- 
inces. It actually consists of twenty-six members. But as a repre- 
sentative is allowed for every fifteen thousand citizens, it would be 
more numerous, if all the provinces had sent delegates in that ratio 
of population. 

With some exceptions, and particularly of that palladium of our 
rights which is unknown to the civil law, the trial by jury, the pro- 
visional constitution will be found on an attentive perusal, to contain 
a distinct recognition, of many of the vital principles of free govern- 
ment. A church establishment also, that of the catholic faith, is con- 
trary to our ideas of religious freedom; though a measure, adopted 
from necessity, perhaps by ihem. 

It declares, that all power, legislative, judicial, and executive, re- 
sides in the nation. The congress are to be chosen by electors, whd 
are to be voted for by the people in the primary assemblies. The 
cabildos, or municipalities, are to be elected immediately by the 
citizens. It recognizes the independence of the judiciary, and de- 
dares the tenure of office, with respect to the superior judges to be 
during good behavior. It provides for the election of a chief magis- 
trate by congress, removable when they choose to appoint a succes- 
sor, and responsible for the execution of the duties of his office, which 
are defined and limited. In the oath of office, he is sworn to pre- 
serve the integrityand independence of the country. 

The three great departments of state, of the treasury, and of 
war, are distinctly marked out, and their respective powers and du- 
ties assigned. 

On some subjects, it enters more into detail than is usual with 
i^s, particularly in those of their army, navy, and militia. But this 
perhaps, in their situation, was necessary. 

It provides that no citizen shall accept a title of nobility, without 
forfeiting the character of citizenship. 

It provides also, against general warrants, and the arrest of indi- 
viduals, unless on probable proof of guilt. 

It contains a salutary provision that a judge, having original ju- 
risdiction, before taking cognizance of a cause, shall use all possible 
means of reconciUng the parties. This constitution is but temporary. 
The congress are engaged in the task of forming a permanent one. 
In the mean time, no alteration can be made in the present, unless 



22 [2] 

vith the consent of two-thirds of the members. In this manner some 
alterations have been adopted. 

The subject of a permanent constitution was before a committee 
fef sixteen members of congress* There was a difference of opinion 
prevailing among them, on the point of a confederated or a consoli- 
dated government. IF they should adopt the former they will frame 
the constitution, in all probability, nearly after the model of that of 
the United States. Should they decide on the latter, it is highly proba- 
ble, they will incorporate the leading features of our system into their 
form of government. They seem to concur in the proposition, to 
have a chief magistrate elected for a term of years and a representa- 
tive legislature to consist of two branches. A senate, to constitute 
the most permanent body, and a house of representatives, whose term 
of service, will be of shorter duration. 

Perhaps it would be better for them to delay the completion of 
this all important task, after the example of the United States, until a 
period of peace. Their present provisional statute, is an improve- 
ment on those which preceded it; and we may expect their proposed 
constitution, will be still more perfect, as they advance in the know- 
ledge of those principles on which republican governments are con- 
stituted. 

But however free in theory, this provisional statute may be, it 
is undoubtedly true, that unless administered agreeably to its letter, 
and spirit, it will not afford security to the citizen. Whether any in- 
fractions have occured since the date of its existence, I cannot pre- 
tend to determine, not being in full possession of the facts. 

When we recollect, that they have the benefit of our example, it 
may reasonably be expected, that they will, in general, adhere to their 
written constitution. They have also the fatal result of the French 
revolution, warning them of the dangers of its excesses, of which 
they appear to be sensible. 

The productions and the manufactures of the different provinces, 
will be found in Appendix D, but 1 was unable to procure any satis^ 
factory estimates of the probable value or amount in each province. 
There is, however, a considerable internal trade carrried on in the in- 
terchange of various articles, between the several provinces; cattle, 
horses, and mules, furnish a considerable source of barter; with the 
latter, Peru is usually supplied: the Paraguay tea is a great article of 
trade throughout the country; the brandy, wine, raisins, and figs of 
Mandoza and San Juan, are becoming important; the hides of 
oxen, the skins of the vaccina, and granaco, with a number of fine 
furs, afford valuable articles of exchange. These, with the foreign 
goods, transported in every direction from Buenos Ayres, very readi- 
ly by oxen and mules, which also furnish the means of carrying their 
native productions to their sea ports, form a branch of trade of great 
magnitude, considering the population of the country. 

Their exports are calculated with some degree of accuracy, at 



C*3 



u 



ten millions of dollars. These consist, principally, of ox hides, jerk 
beef, and tallow, the present great staples of the country. A variety 
of furs, and peltry, somef grain, Jcopper, mostly brought from Chili; 
with gold and silver in bullion, and in coin, chiefly from the mines 
of Potosi. 

The imports are computed to be about equal to their exports, 
British manufactures form the principal mass, and they are to be had 
in great abundance. They consist of woollen and cotton goods of 
every description; some of them wrought to imitate the manufac- 
tures of the country, ironmongery, cutlery, hardware, saddlery, hats, 
porter, ale, and cheese, are among the remaining articles. 

From the United States they receive lumber of all kinds, and 
furniture of every description, coaches, and carriages Jof all sorts, cod- 
fish, mackerel, shad, and herring, leather, boots, and shores, powder, 
and munitions of war, and naval stores, ships, and vessels, particu- 
larly those calculated ifor their navy or for privateers. 

From Brazils they receive sugar, coffee, cotton, and rum. 

From the north of Europe, they receive steel, and iron, and 
from France a number of articles of its manufacture. 

^ Their foreign commerce is principally carried on by British 
capitalists, though there are some Americans, a few French, and 
other foreign merchants, also settled at Buenos Ayres; they are all 
placed, I believe, on the same footing of equality. 

The revenue of the state may be estimated at about three mil- 
lions of dollars annually; but their system of finance is very imperfect, 
and although their debt is small, their credit is low; they have hith- 
erto avoided the issuing of paper money, and they have established 
no bank; but they have sometimes anticipated their revenue, by- 
giving due bills receivable inpayment for duties, or goods imported, 
or articles exported; the impost furnishes the principal part of the 
revenue. A copy of their tariff, as at first establislied, was some 
time since transmitted, I believe, to the Department of State, in this, 
the duties were generally specific and high. 1 understand they have 
been lately reduced, as their exorbitancy had occasioned much 
smuggling. 

Voluntary contributions from those friendly to the revolution, 
and forced loans from the old Spaniards, have constituted another 
portion of their funds. To show the public capital adequate to all 
exigencies, their different civil, military, and naval establishments, 
have been taken into view, and are comprised in the estimate fur- 
nished, a thing unusual with us; but they have omitted their public 
lands, which, if a prudent use made of them, must at no distant day, 
become a very productive source of revenue to the state. 

The mines of Potosi, which, in all probability, will very soon fall 
mto their hands again, may furnish them with a considerable supply 
of the precious metals. It is stated on respectable authority, that so 
late as the year 1790, the amount of gold and silver coined at Potosi. 



2* [2] 

in that year, was calculated to have been E 299,846 in gold, and 
§2,983,176 in silver. 

The state of their army, and the condition of their navy, will be 
seen by a reference to the original return presented. (Appendix F.*) 

Their army is composed of regular troops. Ciorcos, and mili- 
tia, in one or other of these clases, they are educated to the military 
art, and as far as I had an opportunity, and was capable of judging, 
they appeared to be well acquainted with the elements of their pro- 
fession. Their forces, according to the paper furnished, are estimat- 
ed at nearly thirty thousand men. They are composed of 1,206 artil- 
lery, 13,693 infantry, and 14^,718 cavalry: of which 12,14.3 are troops 
of the line, 7,041 are Ciorcos, and 10,573 militia. These form the 
different armies of the center of Peru, of the Andes, of Cordova, and 
the auxiliary forces in the Entre Rios. This statement however only 
includes the militia of the province of Buenos Ayres itself. There 
supply of armes and munitions of war is ample, as will be seen by the 
statement annexed, on that subject. 

Their navy is small, and some of their vessels are laid up in or- 
dinary. A list of them as well as of their privateers, will be found in 
Appendix F. Their private armed vessels are subjected to very 
strict regulations, agreeably to their prize code, which is among the 
original papers presented and herewith delivered. It may be proper, 
in this place to introduce the subject of the irregular conduct of the 
privateers under the patriot flag, against which the commissioners 
were directed to remonstrate. Having taken an opportunity of ex- 
plaining to Mr. Tagle, the secretary of state, the proceedings of our 
government relative to Amelia Island and Galveztown, agreeably to 
their instructions, the commissioners embraced a suitable occasion,^ 
to urge the just cause of complaint, which the malpractices of private 
armed vessels, wearing the patriot colors, had furnished our govern- 
ment; on both topics, they had long and interesting conversations, 
"With the conduct of the government respecting Amelia Island and 
Galveztown, Mr. Tagle expressed himself perfectly satisfied, and he 
disclaimed for his government any privity or participation in the 
lodgments made at those places, by persons acting in the name of the 
patriots of South America. In reference to the acts of cruizers un- 
der the patriotic flags, he said he was sensible that great irregularities 
had occurred, though his government had done every thing in their 
power to prevent them, and were willing if any instance of aggression 
were pointed out, to direct an inquiry into the case, and if the facts 
were established, to punish those concerned, and redress the injured 
individuals. He professed his readiness to adopt any measures that 
would more eff"ectually prevent a recurrence of such acts» in which 
he expressed his belief, that the privateers of Buenos Ayres, had rare - 
ly participated, though the character of the government had suffcretl 

* The. document referred to is not sent. 



[2] 



25 



from the conduct of others. He stated that they had on one occasion, 
sent out some of their public vessels to examine all cruisers wearing 
the Buenos Ayrean flag, to see that they were lawfully commissioned, 
and to ascertain whether they had violated* their instructions. 

Among the causes of dissatisfaction, to which I have alluded, the 
preponderance of the capital has been mentioned. Its great weight 
in the scale of national affairs, is to be ascribed to its greater ex- 
ertions in the national cause. These are owing to its comparative 
wealth, and to its active, intelligent, and enterprising population, £* 
The armies that have been raised in this city and the neighboring 
country, with the supplies in money and munitions of war drawa 
from these sources, have been truly extraordinary. 

It would be a difficult task to make an exact calculation, or to 
form even a probable estimate, but all seemed to concede the supe- 
rior merit claimed on account of their exertions, when conipared 
with their wealth and population: and it is not unlikely that Buenos 
Ay res has in consequence assumed a higher tone, and acquired a coa% 
troling influence, which she has sometimes abused. 

Another source of discontent is, the unfortunate dispute between 
the Banda Oriental, and Buenos Ayres, which had also an influence 
on the proceedings of the latter towards the Portuguese, 

The original cause of division, may be traced to a jealousy, long 
subsisting between the rival ci:ies of Monte Yideo and Buenos Ayres. 
This has become habitual and has extended to the country. Private 
interests, and personal views have also increased their dissentions. 

General Artigas (who bears the character of chief of the Ori« 
entals, as has been already stated, and has also assumed that of the 
protector of the Entre Rios and Santa Fee) was originally in the 
royal service, a captain in a provincial corps. In this, he continued 
for some time after the revolution had commenced at Buenos Ayres. 
But in the year 1811, taking offence, as it is said, at some conduct of 
the Spanish commandant of Colonia, he abandoned the royal cause, 
and entered into the service of the patriots. So early as the year 
1813, when acting against Monte Video, he became dissatisfied with 
Sarratea, the commander in chief from Buenos Ayres. On his re- 
moval from the head of the army, he quarrelled with general Ron- 
deau, who it was supposed would have been acceptable to him, and 
finally withdrew, before the siege of Montevideo was finished under 
general Alvear. For this conduct, Posadas, when he succeeded to 
the government, treated him as a deserter from their service. By a 
proclamation he offered a reward for his apprehension, and set a price 
upon his head: an act, which general Artigas never forgot or for- 
gave. 

During the subsequent directorship of Alvear, he induced the 
Cabildo of Buenos Ayres, to issue a similar proclamation against 
general Artigas. When Alvear was dismissed, the people of Buenos 
Ayres endeavored to atone for their conduct by burning with tvery 

4. 



26 [2] 

mark of ignominy, the degrading proclamation, lliey also address- 
ed a conciliatory letter to the general, and received from him a cor- 
responding answer. These, were preliminary to afjuiiless attempt 
at reconciliation, made by the director ad interim y colonel Alvares, 
who succeeded Alvear. The correspondence on this occasion is an- 
nexed. (Appendix H) Other endeavors to reconcile him have 
failed, notwithstanding the changes in the officeof director at Buenos 
Ayres. On one occasion, the proposition was made, that the Banda 
Oriental, should remain independant of Buenos Ayres, and merely 
send deputies to the general congress, to concert measure against 
the common enemy. On another, when the Portuguese army was 
approaching the frontiers of the Banda Oriental, an effort was made 
by Pueyrredon to reconcile him, and to unite him in the common 
defence. Ample supplies of arms, and munitions of war, were offer- 
ed, and some furnished, but this attempt also failed. 

In order that a fuller view of this subject may be had, I have 
subjoined a translated copy of an animated letter from general Arti* 
gas, to Mr. Pueyrredon. (Appendix Ij, It is but justice to add, that 
central Artigas, is thought by persons entitled to credit, to be a firm 
friend to the independence of the country. To express a decided 
opinion on this delicate question, would scarcely be expected of me, 
as my position, did not command a view of the whole ground. I had 
not the satisfaction to be derived from a personal interview with 
gereral Artigas, who is, unquestionably, a man of rare and singular 
talents. But if I were to hazard a conjecture, I think it not impro» 
bable, that in this, as in most family disputes, there have been faults 
on both sides. It is to be lamented, that they are in open hostility. 
The war has been prosecuted with great animosity, and in two late 
engagements, the troops of Buenos Ayres have been defeated with 
great loss. By some it was said that the inhabitants of the eastern 
shore were anxious, that a reconciliation would take place, whilst the 
people in the country, preferred their present state. 

I must not omit to take a glance at the situation of Paraguay, 
^his province presents a singular spectacle. Ii stands aloof from the 
rest. The people with the aid of the few remaining royal troops, re- 
pulsed an army, sent to compel them to join the common standard. 
Very soon afterwards, they expelled the royalists, and set up for 
themselves. Since this peried, they appear to have adopted a partial 
non-intercourse system. But Buenos Ayres, on one occasion, suc- 
ceeded in obtaining an understanding wiih them. Some, suspect 
that they are secretly inimical to the existing order of things, and 
wish to keep themselves within their shell in case of a change, that 
they may profit by future events, others, calculate with. some confi- 
dence, on tlieir ultimate union with Buenos Ayres, with which, at 
present they indulge a limited, and reluctant intercourse. Paraguay 
is under the immediate control, of a person named Francia, who 
styles himself dictator of Paraguay. 



m 



17 



From the domestic cancerns of the prov inces, we naturally turn 
to their foreign relations. On this subject the commissioners were 
informed that they had nothing more than a friendly understanding 
with any foreign nation. With the Portuguese government, they 
concluded an arrangement in 1812, under the mediation, it is said of 
the British, with respect to the Banda Oiicntal. They have since 
bad a correspondence with them on the subject of their entrance into 
that province, and the forceable occupation by a Portuguese army of 
the city of Monte Video, of which a copy is annexed. CAppendix I). 
This will present the state of affairs between Buenos Ayres and the 
Brazils, w^ich has been the theme of much discussion. The supe- 
rior naval force of the Portuguese stationed in the river La Plata, 
could have efTcctually blockaded all the ports of Buenos Ayres. By 
this means they would have prevented supplies of arms and muni- 
tions of war, and entirely destroyed the great source of revenue to 
the state, the duties on imports and tonnage, at a season when mo- 
ney was much wanted. For about this period, Buenos Ayres, had a 
powerful army to contend with on the side of Peru, and had takeo 
the burden of the renewed contest of Chili with Spain. Under such 
circumstances they were in some measure obliged to adopt a cautious 
and moderate policy. Their conduct in this respect, seems to have 
been coerced. Their unhappy state with the Orientals, had also an 
influence on their measures, they alledged that the restless conduct of 
Artigas, had furnished the Portuguese with a pretext tor the invasion; 
but, jc is probable that they will ultimately break with the govern- 
ment of Brazils. 

The British government have, through their official agents, en- 
tered into commercial stipulations with general Artigas, as the chief 
of the Orientals, on the subject of their trade with the eastern shore. 
A copy of this instrument will be found in Appendix K. 

The government of Buenos Ayres have a confidential person in 
Europe soliciting from England, and other powers, it i* said, assis- 
tance of every kind, and a recognition of their independence. En- 
gland has a consul, who with her naval commander on that station, 
appeared to conduct the confidential aft'airs of the British cabinet, 
with the government of Buenos Ayres. 

What effects the victory of Maipu will produce abroad, it would 
be hazardous in me to conjecture. Whether like the capture of 
Burgoyne, it will procure for the United Provinces foreign alliances, 
I cannot pretend to say. 

From a source which is entitled to credit, I was informed that 
the raising and embarkation of Osorio's army in Peru, was not ac- 
complished without serious difficulties. Alternate force and persua- 
JMon were used to collect them, and nothing bat the name, character, 
and promises of their general, could have induced them to go on 
board of the vessels, prepared for the purpose, at the port of Callao. 
Some of them were actually in a state of mutiny, notwithstanding 



IS £2] 

they were told they would be received with open arms by their ^ 
brethren in Chili. 

The forces finally embarked, agreeably to an account furnished 
by a gentleman of undoubted veracity on the spot, consisted of the 
following troops. 

1 Company of artillery 70 

1 Dit'O sappers and miners S,± 

Regiment of Bruges 900 

Ditto of San Carlos infantry 907 

Ditto of Arequipa 1000 

Arequipa dragoons 160 

Lamas 14* 

3^62 

This army was composed of all the regular soldiers they could 
spare from Lima, who were united at Talcaguna, to the royal forces 
left in Chili. By the battle of Maipu, it has ceased to exist. The 
probable effects in Peru, and other parts of South America may be 
conjectured^ but cannot be affirmed. The same gentleman who has 
been mentioned, and who is conversant in Peruvian affairs, appre- 
hended that important changes would result. 

I cannot conclude this paper without drawing your attention to 
a rapid survey of the reforms and improvements in the province of 
Buenos A\ res, produced by the revolution and its influence on know- 
ledge, society, and manners. 

The effects of the revolution are visible in the changes produced 
in the state of society. The difference in the freedom of acting and 
thinking, which preceded the revolution, must necessarily be great. 
The freedom of commerce must have given a spring to exertions of 
native enterprise, and intelligence, while the active scenes of war and 
politics, for the last ten years, have awakened the genius of the coun- 
try which had so long slumbered. The generation now on the stage 
ftiay almost be said to have been reared under a new order of things. 
The common stock of ideas among the people, has been greatly aug* 
jnented, the natural consequence of the important political events, 
which daily transpire, and in which every man like the citizen of 
Athens feels an interest. The newspapers are every where circulat- 
ed together with the manifestoes of the government, which is oblig- 
ed to court the approbation of public opinion on all measures of mo- 
ment. It is not very unusual, for the same countryman, who, a few 
years ago, never troubled himself about any thing beyond the nar- 
row circle of his domestic concerns, to purchase a newspaper on com- 
ing to town, as a matter of course, and if unable to read, to request 
the first one he meets, to do him that favor. The country curates 
are moreover enjoined to read the newspapers, and manifestoes regu- 



m 



29 



IsLtly to tbeir flocks. The spirit of improvement may be seen in eve« 
ry thing. Even some of those who are under the influence of strong 
prejudices against the revolution, frequently remark the changes for 
better, which have taken place Their habits^ manners, dress and 
mode of living, have been improved by intercourse with strangers 
and the free introdaction of foreign customs, particularly English, 
American and French. Great prejudices prevail against whatever is 
Spanish. It is even offensive to them, to be called by this name, they 
prefer to be identified with the aborigines of the country. The ap- 
pelation which the have assumed, and in which they take a pride, is that 
of South Americans. 

A powerful stimulus, must necessarily have been given to their 
industry, by two important circumstances, the diminutien in prices 
of foreign merchandise, and the great increase in value of the pro- 
ducts of the country with the consequent rise of property. Though 
the grounds in the neighborhood of cities are highly improved, as I 
have already stated — agriculture, comparatively speaking, is in alow 
condition. In general, the lands are badly tilled. The plough is 
rarelv used, and the substitute, is a very indifferent one. But not- 
withstanding the disadvantages of the present method ©f culture, I 
was informed by reputable persons, that the average crop of wheat is 
not less than fifty bushels per acre, in good seasons. 

On the subject of religion, especially the change in the public 
mind, has beei very great. The catholic faith is established, as that 
of the state, but there are many advocates, both in conversation and 
in writing, of universal toleration. Some members of congress, are 
said to be strongly in favor of it; but the ignorant and superstitious 
part of the people, together with the regular clergy would not be satis- 
fied with such a measure^ while the liberality prevailing among the 
better informed classes, is such, as to secure a virtual toleration for 
the present. Besides, from the circumstances of their being no sects 
in the country, such a provision may wait the progress of liberality 
in public opinion. In fact, the human mind has been set free, on all 
matters of a general abstract nature, although the liberty of the press, 
is circumscribed in some degree, with respect to strictures on public 
measures, and men, and the established religion: but there is neither 
inquisition nor previous license. They acknowledge the pope as a 
spiritual head merely, and do not think him entitled to any authority 
to interfere in their temporal concerns. His bull in favor of the king 
of Spain against the colonists, which may be almost regarded as an 
excommunication, produced little or no sensation. 

The number of monks and nuns never were very great in Bue- 
Jios Ayres, when compared with other portions of the Spanish domi- 
nions. They have diminished since the revolution. There was at 
one time, a positive law passed, forbidding any one to become a monk 
or a nun: but they were obliged to repeal it, and it was afterwards 
passed with some modifications. The restrictions substituted, aided 



so t2] 

by public opinion, have nearly produced the desired eflfect. Few of 
the youth of the country, apply themselves to the study of theology, 
since other occupations much more tempting to their ambition, have 
been opened to their choice. Formerly, the priesthood was the 
chief aim of young men of the best families, who were desirous of 
distinction: as in fact, it constituted almost the only profession to 
which those who had received a liberal education, could devote 
themselves; which will readily account for the circumstance, of so 
many ©f the secular clergy, directing their attention at present, almost 
exclusively to politics. The regular clergy, who are not permitted 
by the nature of their profession, to take part in the business of the 
world, or to hold secular offices, are many of them Europeans: but 
those of them who are natives, take the same lively interest in passing 
events, with the other classes of the community. 

They have gone cautiously to work in reforms, in the different 
branches of their municipal laws, and the administration of them* 
The number of offices has been considerably diminished, and respon- 
sibility rendered more direct, and severe. The judiciary, system has 
undergone many improvements, and nearly all the leading features 
of the law, which did not harmonize v/ith the principles of free go- 
vernment, have been expunged, though some oi the former evils still 
remain. The barbarous impositions on the aborigines, have been 
abolished. The odious alcavalla, and other obnoxious taxes, modi- 
lied, so as no longer to be vexatious: slavery, and the sl^ve trade for- 
bidden in futurej and all titles of nobility prohibited, uncjer the pain 
of the loss of citizenship. The law of primogeniture, is also expung. 
ed from their system. In the provisional statute as has already been 
stated, nearly all the principles of free representative government are 
recognized, accompanied it is true, with certain drawbacks, for which 
they plead the necessity of the times, but which, they profess their 
intention to do away, on the final settlement of the government: a 
consummation anxiously desired by all classes of inhabitants. The 
example of France, has warned them not to attempt too much at 
first: they have followed the plan of the United States, in the intro- 
duction of gradual reforms, instead of resorting to violent and sud- 
den innovations, and revolutions. 

Next to the establishmeut of their independence by arms, the 
education of their youth appears to be the subject of the most anxi- 
ous interest. They complain, that every possible impediment was 
thrown in the way of education, previous to the revolution; that so 
far from fostering public institutions for this purpose, several schools 
were actually prohibited in the capital, and the young men were not 
without restraint, permitted to go abroad for their education. There 
was a college at Cordova, at which those destined for the bar, or the 
priesthood, completed their studies, upon the ancient monkish prin- 
ciples. Another called San Carlos, (now the Union of the South) had 
been opened at Buenos Ayres, but was afterwards converted into bar- 



[2] 



31 



racks for soldiers. It is an immense building, more extensive, per- 
haps, than any which has been dedicated to learning in this country's 
and it has lately been fitted up at very great expense. The school 
was to have opened in May or June last, on a more modern and libe- 
ral plan of discipline and instruction. The library of the state, ift 
kept in an adjoining building; it occupies a suit of six rooms, and con«* 
tains nearly twenty thousand volumes: the greater part rare and va« 
luablc. It is formed out of the library of the Jesuits, the books eol* 
lected in the different monasteries, donations from individuals, and 
an annual appropriation by the goyernment, and contains works on 
all subjects and in all the languages of the polished nations of Eu- 
rope. A very valuable addition, has been lately made, of several 
thousand volumes, brought to Buenos Ayres by M. Bonpland, the 
companion of the celebrated Humboldt. 

Besides the University of Cordova, at which there are about 
one hundred and fifty students, there are public schools in all the 
principal towns, supported by their respective corporations. In Bue* 
noa Ayres, besides an Academy, in which are taught the higher 
branches, and the college before mentioned, there are eight public 
shools^ for whose support, the corporation contributes about seven 
thousand dollars annually; and according to the returns of last year 
the number of scholars, amounted to eight hundred and sixty-four* 
There are five other shools, exclusively for the benefit of the poor^ 
and under the charge of the different monasteries; these, are sup- 
plied with books and stationery at the public expense. There are 
also parish schools in the country, for the support of which a portion 
of the tithes has been lately set apart. It is rare to meet with a boy 
tenor twelve years of age, in the city of Buenos Ayres, who cannot 
read and write. Besides the scholars thus instructed, many have 
private tutors. In addition to all this, I must not omit to mention 
the military academies supported by government at Buenos Ayres, 
and Tucuman, at whica, there are a considerable number of cadets. 

Inhere are no prohibited books of any kind; all are permitted to 
circulate freely, or to be openly sold in the book-stores; among them 
is the new testament in Spanish. This alone, is a prodigious step, 
towards the emancipation of their minds from prejudices. There 
are several book-stores, whose profits have rapidly increased; a proof 
that the numbers of readers has augmented in the same proportion. 
There bad been a large importation of Knglish books, a language 
becoming daily more familiar to them, fiight years ago, the 
mechanic art of printing was scarcely known in Buenos Ayres: at 
present, there are three printing offices, one of them very extensive, 
containing four presses. The price of printing is, notwithstanding-, 
at least three times higher than in the United States: but as there is 
no trade or intercourse with Spain, all school-books used in the 
country, some of them original, are published at Buenos Ayres; the 
busincssj is therefore, profitable, and rapidly extending. There are 



32 [2] 

many politicalesssa)^, which instead of being inserted in the news pa^" 
pars, are published in loose sheets: there are also original pamphlets, 
as well as republications of foreign works. The Constitutions of 
the United States, and of the different states, together with a very 
good history of our country, and many of our most important state 
papers, are widely circulated. The work of Dean Funts, the vene- 
Table historian of the country, comprised in three large octavo vo- 
lumes, considering the infancy of the typographic art in this part of 
the world may be regarded as an undertaking of some magnitude. 

There are three weekly journals or newspapers published in the 
city, which h^.v; an extensive circulation hrough the United Provin- 
ces. They all advocate the principles of liberty and republican forms 
of government, as none other would suit the public taste. The year 
before last it is true, one of the papers ventured to advocate the restora- 
tion of the Incas ©f Peru with a limited monarchy . I>ut it was badly ra* 
ceievd. No proposition for the restoration of hereditary power ci ai y 
kind, as far as I could learn, will be seriously listened to for a mo- 
ment, by the people. Even the ordinary language has changed. 
They speak of* the state," " the people," " the public,'^ " country," 
and use other terms, as in the United States, implying the interest 
that each man takes in what appertains to the community. The first 
principle constantly inculcated is, *^ that all power rightfully emanates 
from the people." This, and similar dogma, form a part of the edu- 
cation of children, taught at the same time with their catechism. It 
is natural, that the passion for free govenment, should be continually 
encreasing. A fact may be mentioned to show the solid advance- 
ment they have made, which is, that the number of votes taken at 
their elections, increases every year. In becoming habituated 
to this peaceful and orderly mode of exercising their right of 
choosing those who are to be invested with authority, the tu- 
midtuous and irregular removal, by a kind ot general oratory or 
acclamation, of those who have been chosen, will gradually cease. 

Rather than disturb the order of society, they will endure with 
patience, until the time arrives, for effecting a regular and constitu- 
tional change. Since the election of the present director, none of 
these tumults, before so frequent, have occurred. These tumults 
have seldom been attended with bloodshed; yet they produce great 
confusion, and disorder, and give rise to habits of insubordination, 
at the same time, that they are ruinous to the character of a nation. 

The vice royalty of Buenos Ayres, differed from the rest, in 
one important particular. It contained, no nobility, or if any, very 
few. This may be regarded as a favorable circumstance in their 
society. Another favorable feature, very necessary to the successluil 
administration of their affairs, as the conduct of many individuals 
who have filled the highest office of state, in descending from thaC 
dignafied situation, to inferior posts, and discharging their duties 
with alacrity. Thus we behold general A. Balcarce, who was former- 
ly director, acting as second in command to colonel San Martin* 



C23 



3S 



Colonel Alvarez, also a director at one period, now serving in the 
stafFv under the chief of that department. General Azcaenega, 
and general Rondeau, once elected to the chair of state, is at present 
employed in a minor office. There are others, who have occupied 
the same elevated post,who have retired to the station of private citi- 
zens. 

The general capacities of the United Provinces for national de- 
fence, are also, important in many respects, the nature and extent of 
the country, afford the inhabitants numerous advantages over an invad- 
ing army. The ease with which their herds of ca4;tle maybe driven 
to distant places, beyond the reach of an enemy and the rapid move- 
ments of the troops of the country can make, from the ample supply 
of horses and mules, are circumstances of great consequence in a 
military view. £ven the towns not fortified from the manner in 
which they are built, and from the construction of their houses, fur- 
nish powerful means of defence, as the British army under general 
Whitlock. experienced in their attack on Buenos Ayres. 

I am sensible, that in the course of these statements,and remarks, 
spme inaccuracies and errors must have occurred, but they have 
been unintentional. I have only to add, that the reception of the 
commissioners at Buenos Ayres, by the chief magistrate was friend- 
ly and flattering. 

From every class, they met with a cordial welcome. The peo- 
ple in general, appeared to be very much attached to the American 
character, and to the government and citizens of the United States. 

Should any thing further occur, it shall be made the subject of a 
future paper. 

I have the honor to be, 
With great respect, 
Your most obedient servant, 

(Signed) C. A. RODNEY. 



APPENDIX 



A, Funes outline. 

B, The manifesto of independence by the congress of 
Buenos Ay res. 

C, I eclaration of independence of Chili. 

D, Translation of various documents furnished by the 
government of Buenos Ayres. 

E, Provisional statute. 

F, Original reports of the secretary at war of Buenos 
Ayres. 

H, Correspondence bctvi^een Alvarez and agents of 
Artigas). 

I, Letter of Artigas to Pueyrredon. 

J, Correspondence with the Portuguese general. 
K, British arrangements with Artigas. 
L, Original prize code. 



[2] 65 

Mr, Graham to the Secretary of State* 

City of Washington, 5th Xov, 1818. 

SIR, 

Mr. Rodney having undertaken to draw up, for our joint signa- 
ture, a report respecting the present situation of the country w re« 
cently visited under the orders of the President, and circumstances 
having prevented him, from presenting it to me for perusal, un.i! his 
late arrival in this city, I was not aware until then, that i should oave 
occasion to present to you ray individual views on that subject. But 
on an attentive perusal of the paper he drew up, I found, that althoui^h 
there was not perhaps any important fact on which we essentially dif- 
fered, yet that some were stated of which I was not aware; and that 
we had taken views which it might be difficult to combine during the 
short time then allowed to us, and of which it might be proper, that 
you should be put in possession. Under these circumstances I 
thought it better to submit to the disadvantage of hastily throwing my 
observations together, and of presenting them separatftly, than to ask 
him to derange the general tenor of his report by introducing them 
into it. 

The arrival of Mr. Bland, who will necessarily make a separate 
report will, I trust, reconcile the President to the course > have taken, 
as from a combined view of what we individually state, he mav, per- 
haps, be better enabled to draw his own inferences as to the actual 
situation and future prospects of the country we visited, than from 
any just report in which we could all have agreed, as under ordinary 
circumttances, that must have been the result of a compromise of 
opinions, and would probably have excluded some facts, or some 
views, which, one or the other of us, will in the mode now adopted 
present to you. 

In my particular situation, however, I thought it less necessary 
to go into detail, as I knew that the report of Mr. Rodney would 
furnish information on points which I omit. 

With great respect, 

I have the honor, to be, sir, 

Your most obedient servant, 
JOHN GRAHAM. 
The Honorable John ^uincy Jidams^ 

Secretary of State* 



The country formerly known as the vice royalty of Buenos 
Ayresj extending from the north western sources of the river La 



vS6 [2] 

Plata to the southern cape of America, and from the confines of Bra- 
sil and the ocean, to the ridge of the Andes, may be considered as 
that which is called '* The United Provinces of South America," 

Under the royal government, it was divided into the inrenden- 
cies, or provinces of Buenos Ayres, Paraguay, Cordova, Salta Poto- 
si, Plata, Cochabomba, La Pox, and Puno. Subsequently to the 
revolution, in the year 181i, another division was made; and from 
the provinces of Cordova, Salta. and Buenos Ayres. were taken those 
of Cuyo or Mendoza, Tucuman, Corientes, Entie Rios, and the Ban- 
da Oriental The others, it is believed, retained iheir former boim- 
daries and with the exception of Paraguay, are generally called 
'* Upper Peru.'* 

This widely extended country embraces almost every variety of 
climate and soil, and is capable ot" almost ever) variety of production. 
A large part of it however, particularly on the west side of the river 
La Plata, and southerly towards capr Horn, is deficient in wood, 
even for fuel, and in water, that which is found is generally brackish. 

xllthough three centuries have passed by, since the Spaniards 
made their first settlement in this country and some considerable 
towns, and cities have grown in it; yet its general improvement and 
population have by no means kept pace with them, for the lower 
provinces have been almost entirely abandoned to the immense 
herds of cattle, which graze on their plains, and require only the 
partial care of a comparatively few herdsmen; and the inhabitants of 
Upper Peru have been engaged more generally in the business of 
mining than was favorable to improvement or population. Certain 
small districts, having peculiar advantages are said to be well culti- 
vated, and very proxluctive: but agriculture has in general been very 
much neglected. It is in a great degree confined to the vicinity of 
the towns, and cities, and may be said to limit its supplies to their 
demands. This state of things, combined with the regulations of 
the former government, the influence of climate, and the force of 
example, has stamped the character of indolence upon that class of 
society usually considered as the laboring class. The same cause* 
have not operated, at least, not with the same force, upon the other 
inhabitants of the country, hence they are more industrious, and 
more active. Their manners are social, friendly, and polite In na- 
tive talents they are said to be inferior to no people; and they have 
given proofs that are capable of great and persevering efforts; that 
they are ardently attached to their country, and warmly enlisted 
in the cause of its independence. 

It is not necessary for me to enter into a detail of the causes 
which led to the revolution in ISIO. The most immediate perhaps 
are to be found in the incidents connected with the two invasions of 
the country by the British in the years 1805 and 1806, and in the 
subsequent events in Spain, as they have a direct tendency to show- 
to these people their own strength and the incapacity of Spain, to 



m 



37 



give them pfotcctioft, or enforce obedience. The groundwork was 
however laid in the jealous and oppressive system adopted at a more 
early period by the kings of Spain^ whose policy it seemed to be, to 
keep within as narrow limits as circumstances would permit, the in- 
telligence, wealth, and population of that part of America, subject to 
their dominion, as the surest means of preserving an empire, which 
they considered the great source of their wealth and power« 

The revolution having been auspiciously commenced in the city 
of Buenos Ayres, was warmly, and zealously supported by the great 
mass of the people descended from the Spaniards; but the native 
Spaniards, as well those domesticated in the country as those in the 
service of the king, were almost all opposed to it, particularly at the 
time, and under the circumstances it took place. Dissentions were 
the immediate result, and their long standing jealousy and distrust of 
each other, have by subsequent events been heightened into deadly 
hostility, which time alone can wear away. These dissentions have 
been considered as one of the causes that produced. those which 
subsequently took place amongst the patriots themselves, and which 
have been most serious obstacles to the progress of the revolution. 
Other obstacles, however, have been presented by the royal govern- 
ment in Peru, which has hitherto not only been able to maintain itself 
there, but has found means by enlisting the native peruvians into it» 
service, to send at different times considerable armies into the upper 
provinces on the La Plata, where the war has been carried on from 
the commencement of the revolution to the present day with various 
success; the great extent and peculiar character of the country and 
the want of resources, having prevented either party from making a 
blow, decisive of the contest. When we came away, the advantage 
in that quarter was on the side of the Spaniards, as they were in pos- 
session of the provincesof Upper Peru, which had to a certain degree 
at least, joined in the revolution, and some of which are represented 
in the congress. Every where else, they have been obliged to yield 
up the government and abandon the country, or submit to the ruling 
power. The peculiar situation of Monte Video, on the east side of 
the river La Plata, open to the sea, and strongly fortified, enabled 
the Spanish naval and military forces at an early period in the 
revolution, to make a stand there; they were ultimately obliged to 
surrender it; not, however, until long protracted, and perhaps illy 
directed efforts on the part of the assailants, had given rise to many 
jarring incidents between those who came from the opposite shores 
ot the river, probably the eff*-ct, in part at least, of ancient jeal- 
ousies, kept alive by the individual interests of particular leaders; 
these, have been followed by events calculated to produce a still 
greater alienation; and, although several attempts have been made 
to bring about a union they have hitherto been unsuccessful. The 
provinces of the ''•Banda Oriental," and the "Eiitre Rios," on the 
eastern side of the river under the direction of general Artigas are 



38 [2] 

now at war with those on the western side, under the gbvernment of 
the congress at Buenos Ayres. 

This war has originated from a combination of causes, in which 
both parties have, perhaps, someihing to complain of, and something 
to blame themselves for. 

General Artigas and his followers profess a belief that it is the 
intention of the government of Buenos iiy*es to put them down, and 
oblige them to submit to such arrangements as will deprive them of 
the privileges of self government, to which they claim to have a 
right. They say however, thai they are willing to unite with the 
people on the western side of the river; but not in such a way as will 
subject them to what they call the tyranny of the city of Buenos 
Ayres. On the other hand, it is stated that this is merely a pretext; 
that the real objectof general Artigas and of some of his principal offi- 
cers is to prevent a union on any terms, and to preserve the power 
they have acquired, by giving an erroneous excitement to the peo- 
ple who follow them. That it is wished, and intended to place these 
provinces on a footing with the others. That the respectable portion 
of their inhabitants are aware of this fact, and anxious for a union; 
but are prevented from openly expressing their sentiments, from a 
fear of general Artigas, whose power is uncontrolled by law, or jus- 
tice, and hence the propriety and necessity of aiding them to resist it. 
Armies have accordingly been marched within the present year into 
these provinces; but they were not joined by a number of the inhabi- 
tants and were deieated with great loss. 

This war is evidently a source of great injury and regret, ana 
at the same time of extraordinary irritation to both parties, for inde- 
pendently of other causes of recrimination, each accuses the other of 
having brought about that st ste of thirsgs which threatens to place a 
most important, and valuable portion of their country in the hands of 
a foreign power, who has invaded ii with a regular, and well appoint- 
ed army, and is gradually taking possession of commanding points, 
from which it may be difficult for their united force hereafter to dis- 
lodge them. That they will unite, is, I think to be calculated on, 
unless some event, disastrous to the cause of the revolution itself 
takes place; for their mutual interest requires a unios. But more of 
moderation and discretion may be necessary to bring it about, than is 
at this time to be cxpecttd from the irritated feelings of some of the 
principal personages on both sides. 

' I'he ciiy of Santa Fee, and a small district of country around it, 
aUo refuse to acknowledge the authority of the government of Bue- 
nos Ayres. 

in Paraguay, the events of the revolution have differed from 
those in any ocher province, as the inhabitants of that country have 
uniformly resisted the efforts of the other provinces to unite with 
them. Afterhavingaid-d the Spanish pluced over them, to repel a 
military force which hud luten sent to overthrow them, they them- 



[2] 



39 



selves expelled from their country these authorities, and established 
a government of their own, totally unconnected with that of the other 
provinces, with whom they manifest an unwillingness to keep up even 
a commercial intercourse. This has given rise to a suspicion in the 
minds of some, that there is a secret predilection among them for 
the ancient order of th'ngs. But from what is said of their cold and 
calculating character; from the s^fe posiiion of their country, and its 
capacity to supply its own wants, it is probable that their object is to 
hu' band their resources, and profit by the exertions of others, with- 
out giving their c-wn in aid of them; and posssibly in case of ultimate 
failure, to place their conduct in a less objectionable point of view 
before the government of Spain. Whatever may have been their 
motives, they have hitherto contrived to escape, in a great measure, 
the evils of war. 

Their resources in men and money are said to be considerable, 
and no country is more independent of foreign supplies. 

Their conduct furnishes a striking contrast to that of the people 
of Buenos Ayres, who entered into the revolution with unbounded 
zeal and energy, and have ever been ready to meet the difficulties of 
so great an undertaking. This circumstance connected with their 
local situation greater resources, and more general information; and 
perhaps the fact of their having been the first to get power into their 
hands, have had the effect to give them a controling influence over 
the revolutionary government, which has not failed to excite, in some 
degree, the jealousy of the other provinces, and amongst themselves 
afeeliiig of superiority little calculated to allay that jealousy. Great 
evils were at one time apprehended from this state of things, but the 
Congress which met at Tucaman, in March 1816, composed of 
deputies Irom the several provinces then united, assumed the sover- 
eign power of the country, boldly declared its absolute independence, 
and adopted a provisional form of government, which is understood 
to have the efteci of allaying dissentions, and of introducing a more 
regular administration of public affairs. 

It will be seen from the documents in your possession, that this 
provisional constitution recognizes many of the principles of free 
government; but with such drawbacks as are litde calculated to en- 
force them in practice. Great allowances are doubtless to be made 
for the circumstances of the times, and the danger and difficulty of 
tearing up ancient institutions, or of adopting nev/ principles to them. 
But after due allowance for all these considerations, it did not appear 
to me that so much had been done for the cause of civil liberty, as 
might have been expected, or that those in power were its strongest 
advocates. It is generally admitted however, that some changes for 
the better have been made. Much care seems to be taken to educate 
the rising generation, and as those who are now coming on the thea- 
tre ot action have grown up since the commencement of the revolu- 
tion, and have had the advantage of the light thrown in by it, it is fair 



40 m 

to suppose that they will be better prepared to support and administer 
a free government, than those whose habits were formed under the 
colonial government of Spain. 

The commerce and manufactures of the country have grown be- 
yond its agriculture. Various causes however have contributed to 
lessen some branches of manufacture §ince the revolution, but com- 
merce is understood to have been increased by it. A much greater 
variety and quantity of foreign goods are imported, and a greater de- 
mand is opened for the productions of the country. The city of Bue- 
nos Ayres is the seat of this commerce. From it, foreign and some 
domestic goods are spread through the interior, as far as Chili and 
Upper Peru, and in return, the various productions are drawn to it. 
This trade is carried on pnncipally by land, as is that between the dif- 
ferent provinces, though some small portion of it finds its way up and 
down the large rivers forming the La Plata, which is itself, not so 
much a river as a great bay. The abundance of cattle, horses, and 
mules, and of some other animals peculiar to the country, which arc 
used in the mountainous regions of Peru, furnish facilities for trans- 
portation, not to be found in any other conntry so little improved, 
hence the price of transportation is very low, and the internal trade 
gri*ater than it otherwise would be, though it had been materially les- 
sened in some important branches, by the war with Peru, and the sys- 
tem adopted in Paraguay. 

The export and import trade is principally in the hands of the 
British, though the United States, and other nations participate in it 
to a certain degree. It is depended on as the great source of revenue 
to the Stat — hence they have been tempted to make the duties very 
high, and to lay them upon both imports and exports, with the excep* 
tion of lumber and military stores. This circumstance, connected 
with the fact, thai payment is demanded at the custom house before 
the goods are delivered, has led to a regular system of smuggling, 
which is said to be carried to great excess, and doubtless occasions 
the official returr to fall short of the actual amount of the trade. 
This may be the reason why they were not given to us. The articles 
imported are almost every variety of European and East India goods 
principally from England. Rum, sugar, coffee, tobacco, cotton and 
timber from Brasil. Lumber of almost every description, codfish, 
furniture, gin and some smaller articles, from the United States, toge- 
ther with military stores, which, however, find their way into the 
country directly from Europe, and are thus furnished at a cheaper 
rate than we can sell them. The principal articles of export are ta- 
Icen from the various animals of the country, tame and wild, from the 
ox to the chinchilla, copper from Chili, and some of the precious 
metals drawn principally from Peru; but as gold is worth Sl7 oz. and 
passed by tale at that rate, very httle of it is exported. Hence the 
cun:nc> of the country is gold, for they have no paper money. The 
"Libranzas," or bills of credit, issued by the government, are, howC" 



[2] 



41 



vcr, an article of traffic among the merth'^nts, as they are received in 
payment ot oiie hall oi the duties. jSi disii iCtion is made in favor 
of ihe trade of any nation, save only that the British merchants have 
some peculiar facilities granted them in relation to their letters, 
which are an object of taxation, at least so far as applies to those sent 
out of the country. 

It the official statements given to us, and to which I b^g leave 
generally to refer for information as to the foreign relations, the pro- 
ducti ns military and naval force, revenue and population, the latter 
is stated at 1,300,000, exclusive of Indians. This is understood as 
comprehending the population of all the provinces; but as some of 
them are not under the government at Buenos Ayres, I have thought 
it proper to annex the several estimates I collected of the population 
of each province, as they may serve to give some general information 
on that point. The most immediate difficulty felt by the govern- 
Dient whilst we were in the country, seemed to arise from the want of 
mone): for although the debt was small, their credit was low, It 
had not been found practicable to adopt a system of finance adequate 
to the exigencies of the times, though it would seem, from the state- 
ment given to us, that the revenue of the last year exceeded the ex- 
penses. The important events of the present year in Chili, of which 
you are informed, will doubtless, have the effect to raise the credit of 
the country, and tf' lessen the pressure upon it, at least for a time, 
and will probably leave the government more at leisure to attend to 
its internal affairs. 

When we came away, it was understood that a committee of the 
congress was engaged in drafting a new constitution, the power of 
forming and adopting it, being exclusively vested in the congress. 
Whether it will assume a federal or national character is somewhat 
doubtful, as thc^re are evidently two parties in the country, whose 
views in this respect are very different, and it is believed, that they 
are both represented in the congress. The one party is in favor of 
a consolidated, or national government— the other wishes for a fede- 
ral government, somewhat upon the principles of that of the United 
States The probability seems to be, that although there might be a 
majority of the people in the provinces, generally in favor of the fe- 
deral system, that it would not be adopted, upon the ground that 
it was not so well calculated as a national government, to provide 
for the common defence, the great object now in view. The same 
general reason may be urged perhaps, for giving to the latter, should 
it be adopted, less of a republican character than probably would 
have been given to it, in more quiet and peaceful times. There 
is danger too, as the power of forming and adopting the consti- 
tuti »n is placed in the hands of a few. that the rights and privile- 
ges of the people may not be so well understood, or attended to, as 
they would have been, had the people themselves had a more im« 
mediate agency in the affair. It is not to be doubted, however, that 

6 



*2 [2] 

it will, at least, liave a republican form, and be bottomed u|3on thfc 
principles of independence, which is contended for by aU descriotions 
of politicians in the country, who have taken pfirt in the revolution, 
and will, it is believed, be supported by them in any event, to the last 
extremity. 

Their means of defence of which they are fully aware, are in 
proportion to their numbers, greater perhaps, than those of almost any 
other people, and the duration, and evc nts of the war, have strength- 
ened the general determination never to submit to Spain. This deter- 
mination rests upon the recollection of lormer sufferings and depriva- 
tions; upon a consciousness of their ability to defend and to govera 
themselves: and upon a conviction, that in case of submission on 
any terms, they would, sooner or later, be made to feel the vengeance 
of the mother country These considerations doubtless have the 
most weight upon the minds of those, who have taken a leading part. 
Th ;y of course use all their influence to enforce them, and thus to 
keep up the spirit of the revolution. In this the\ probably have had 
the less difficulty, as alihough the sufferings of the people have been 
great, particularly in military service and in raising the contributions 
necessary for that service, yet the Incubus of Spanish power being 
thrown off, and with it thai train of followers who filled up almost 
every avenue to wealth and consequence, the higher classes have 
been awakened to a sense of advantages they did not before enjoy, 
Tht y have seen their commerce freed from legal restraints. T" eir 
articles of e^^port become more valuable, their supplies furnished at 
a wer rate, and all the offices of government or other employments 
laid open to them, as fair objects of competition. The lower classes 
have found their labour more in demand and better paid for; and 
their irnponance in society greater than it formerly was. 

They are yet, however, from their indolence, general want of 
education, and the great mixture of *' casts" among them, in a de- 
graded state, but little felt in the affairs of the government. The sti- 
mulus now given will operate to produce a change in them for the 
better, and it is to be presumed will gradually have its effect, as their 
docility, intelligence, and activity when called into service, give evi- 
dence that they are not deficient in natural, or ph) sical powers, 

JLabor, as it becomes more general, will become less irksome 
to individuals, and the gradual acquisition of property which must 
necessarily result from it in such a country under a good government, 
will doubtless produce the happy effects there which it has uniformly 
produced elsewhc re, and more especially in countries where the po- 
pulation is small whenci mpared to the extent of territory. 

1 am very sensible that I may have been led into errors of fact, 
or inference. In that case, 1 can plead honesty of intention, and the 
difficulty of collecting at a singh: point, imd within a limi ed nme, 
correct intormationj or of analyzing that which was collected, res- 



[2] 



43 



pecting a people in astJ^te of revolution, wnn are spreat^ over an im- 
inrnse country, and whose habits, institutions, and language are iO 
different from our own. 

I have only to add that w*- were politely received by the Supreme 
Director, who made everv profession for our government, and every 
offer of accommodation to us as it-* agents, which we had a right to 
expect, and that the people manifested on all occasions, the most 
friendly dispositions. 



44 



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** [23 

A. 

Historical sketch of the revolution of the "United Trovincesof South 
Ameriro.. from the 25rh of May 1810, until the openm^ of the 
JSTational Congress^ on the ^5th of March 1816, written hy T)r, 
Greprorio Funes, and appended to his history of Buenos Jiyresy 
Faraquaiji and Tucuman, 

It is the advice of a sage, that the history of revolutions 
should be written, neither so long after thev have happened, that 
many of their events will be forgotten, nor so immediately after 
they have occurred, as to preclude it from being executed with the 
requisite impartiality. In the last case, all who read it, setting ia 
judgment upon it, approve or condemn accordiug to their feelings, 
and in consequence it is deemed a chaos of uncertainties We have 
therefore, determined to give merely a sketch /if the revolution, an(J 
to refrain from such narration, as would perhaps revive animosities 
which patriots wish never to see renewed. 

1810. 

A succession of reverses had deranged all the plans of defence 
adopted by Spain to resist the attacks of France. I'he pass of Sierra 
Morena, being forced, the army of the enemy extended its conquests 
to the Island ol Li on. Affairs were in this desperate situation, when 
the timorous Cisneros addressed his celebrated proclamation to the 
people, more for the sake of repelling the danger which menaced 
his authority, than of furnishing them rules to regulate their con- 
duct, in case of the French succeeding in their ambitious designs 
against the mother country. A martyr to the suspicions, to which 
he had given himself up, as if he disdained artifice, he endea- 
vored to gain credit with the people, by palming upon them his 
statement of the utter imbecility of Spain, which they knew as well 
as he, for noble sincerity. In fine he descended to propose a 
plan of national representation, as remote from justice as from 
Utility. 

This was a conjuncture which the people of Buenos Ayre» 
anxiously expected That period had long passed away, when 
America, without any object with which to compare herself, had 
believed men bound implicitly to be guided by the maxims of 
their predecessors. The revolution of North America and the re- 
cent one of France, had revived among us the natural rights of 
man. The same regency although thereby dong violence to its 
ft' inp;s, ^aid to us, " that we were elevated to the dignity of 
freemen, that we were not like our ancestors oppressrd by a yoke, 
rendered moie galling by their distance from the centre of power, 



C^] 



47 



viewed with indifference, and made vile by ignorance.^' In fine, 
ir t^f re-conquest oi Buenos Ayres, by expelling the English, we 
had made trial of our atreugch, and convinced that we might now 
safely cast off the leading strings of infancy. He believed that 
this was the time to shak<- ofF the authority of a decrepid iUl ty- 
rannical mother We were also impelled to this measure Irom its ap- 
pearing probable thai Napoleon would render permanent the gov- 
ernment he had established in Spain. 

A number of b; ave men (l) united themselves secretly for the 
purpose of extirpating tyranny, and at the risk of their tranquillity 
and fortune and lift, formed the plan of this revolution. Though 
destitute of military force, they dared provoke a powerful vice roy; 
without experience, they yet lulled to sleep the vigilance of their 
governors; without money, they gained over many of the soldiery; 
without authority, they reigned in the hearts of their fellow citizens. 
This being the situation ol things, the vulcano at last burst forth; a 
juutaof nine persons, wiih fall powers. (2; assembled on the 25th May, 
18L0, agreeably to the summons of Cisneros, the vice roy. This 
was the first step in our revolution, a revolution affected without 
bloodshed, maintained by succebs, ardently desired by the good, and 
capable of producing the happiest effects. 

Although the considerations we have mentioned, would have 
justified the declaration of independence, the capital did not proceed 
to -his extremity; it considered, that to pass at once, the immense 
interval between slavery and liberty would be a premature measure, 
aiid contrary to the inviolable law of nature, that improvement shall 
be gradual. 

Besides this, althaugh they Icnew that the enjoyment of the so- 
cial rights was an object so dear to the hearts of many Americans; it 
knew also, that there were among them some timid men, whu, expos- 
ing themselves to universal derision, reprobated the good purchahed 
by any other than pacific means; others, who, destitut of love of 
country, were stangers to the most heroic passions; and others, so 
unenlightened, as to deem servitude their natural and proper state. 

As well to make an experiment upon these dissimilar classes of 
men, as to leave thf great measure of declaring independence untried, 
till events should render it expedient; the capital limited itself, for 
the present, to the only plan sanctioned by prudence. This was, 
that the provinces in the name of Ferdinand the Vil should assume 
the direction of public affairs* Every thing prompted us to this 
innovation: the Peninsular government, its springs having lost their 
elasticity, appeared insufficient to secure the existence of the nation. 
The very provinces of Spain, were, more or less, in open opposition 
to her authoritv: her govermental orders were either entirely viola- 
ted or s". Perfectly obeyed; this monarchy was completely unhinged: 
the component parts of this vast body politic, were as widely dis- 
persed, that they could have no tie capable of- binding them together. 



48 [23 

This want of union rendered the nation weak; it was doubtful whc- 
tlicr the central junta, could of itself, establish a regency; in fine, 
America was an integral part of the monarchy, and enjoyed equal 
rights with Spain. 

This innovation excited greatly the feelings of the people, and 
gave birth to as little speculation Men, who had submitted without 
a murmur, to be treated as slaves, blessed the moment when, at least, 
thty were no longer instrumental to their own bufferings. But on 
the other hand, interest and arrogance caused the European Span- 
iards t«s regard with rage the newly aw.skened energy of a people they 
had long contemned; an energy which menaced them with the depri- 
vation of office and influence. 

The Oidores of Buenos Ayres, were the first who manifested 
a disgust, unbounded and promotive of insubordination. The junta 
excluded from the government certain individuals, (3) regardless of 
every thing but self-interest; for them it substituted others more 
frurthy. 

The royal marine, characterized by ignorance, and indocility^ 
also gave loose to selfish passions; it retired to Monte Video, endea- 
vored to stir up the people to insurrection; implored succors from 
Brazil, dispersed the army, imprisoned its chiefs, even sent them to 
Spain; in fine, threw ail things into confusion. 

The state was upon the eve of a civil war. Linea, Monte Video, 
Paraguay, the chiefs of Cordova, Potosi, and Charcas, prepared 
themselves for a bloody contest with the capital and its adherents. 
But their anim )sity excited vigilance in the government, and enthu* 
siasm in the patriots. 

To guide the people in the novel and daring career upon which 
they had entered the government and the clergy furnished them with 
productions written with ability and with energy. To enlighten the 
public, and consequently to triumph over the errors of education, 
was deemrd a sacred duty. The conduct of the ecclesiasticts was 
particularly praiseworthy, since they acted in opposition to the bish- 
ops of iheir diocesses, more occupied with the advantages of posts, 
they feared to lose, than interested for their flocks. 

As the provincial chiefs, in opposition to the government, were 
deaf to persuasion, it determined to obtain by force for the people 
the enjoyment of their rights. It organized an auxiliary expedition 
to operate against the enemies of liberty in the interior provinces. 
At this very time, Concha, governor of Cordova, and the bishop 
Orellana, excited by the ardent Liniers, viewed the revolution as a 
criminal enterprise against the state, and excited the people to diso- 
bedience and to vengeance. To cure them of this phrensy, and tp 
convince them ihat thty were laboring for their own ruin, and that of, 
the people, my opinjon, delivered in a junta, (Ji) was ineffectual. At 
last, these deluded men discovered, to their c st, that they were 
Struggling in an unknown sea, against a tempest, they could net 



[2] 



49 



withstand. Abandoned by their own soldiers, who never heartily 
embraced their cause, they were taken prisoners. (5) 

The junta determined to cement the revolutionary government, 
with the blood of those mistaken men, and thus to terrify into si- 
lence, the enemies of freedom. When informed of this resolve, my 
s^irprize and grief were equally great. It was on ihe eve of its exe- 
cution, that I was informed of this determination. To avert from a 
cause, so far untainted by injustice, the imputation of atrocity, nay, 
even of sacrilege, for those accustomed to kneel before their bishops, 
would have deemed this act: Vo prevent the cecession from the 
patriot cause of manv reputable and influential families, (6) whose 
reputation and feelnigs, such an execution would have deeply wound- 
ed; in fine, impelled by humanity, I felt bound to urge these rea- 
sons upon Don Francisco Antonio Ocampo, and Don Hipoleto Vi- 
eytes, chiefs of the expedition, and to supplicate the suspension of so 
odious a sentence. The impression which these reasons and others 
added by my brother, Don Ambrosio Funes, made upon their minds, 
produced the desired effeot, a few hours before the time appointed to 
inflict the punishment. 1\he government deemed this extreme mo- 
deration, incompatible witl\ the security of the state: The blockade 
of the capital by the roy^l marine from Monte Video, the in- 
trigues of the European Spaniards, ever on the alert; in fine, opinions 
in favor of Liniers, whispered among our troops, the companions 
of his dangers and his glory, compelled the government to choose, 
between the death of these conspirators, and the ruin of dawning li- 
berty. Placed in this dilemma, from a sense of duty, it did violence 
to its feelings, and confirmed the sentence, except that part relating 
to the bishop. Thus died prematurely men, who in other times 
might have been useful citizens. (7) 

Among the chiefs, assembled by Concha and Liniers, the most 
conspicuous were Sans, governor of Potosi, and Nieto, president of 
Charcas. Nieto, licentious as was ever any minion of tyranny, op- 
pressed with vexations, each garrison under his command, impri- 
soning the soldiers in caverns, and even condemning them to toil in 
bake houses. Thus, this idiot expected to prop the tottering fabric 
of slavery, and to perpetuate meanness of spirit and misery. While 
these and other events agitated the centre of Peru, the junta gave 
additional respectability to the auxiliary expedition. Casteli having 
resigned the command, Don Antonio Balcarce, was appointed in his 
stead. The victory of Suipacha put an end to the enterprises of cer- 
tain rash men. The major general, Cordoba, Sans, and Nieto, were 
shortly after put to death. 

It was not so much from external obstatcles, as from a weak- 
ness, common to all states in times of revolution, that our affairs were 
not always prosperous. It must be perceived, that we are now about 
to speak from intestine dissentions. When we threw off the yoke, 
we thought that in organizing a government, it was impossible to re- 



50 [2] 

cede too mlich from the tyranny which had caused our sufferings 
and our shame, A youth of talents and information., savs a modern 
author, astonished at reading in each page of the ancients, a diary 
of what passed before his eyes in the late French revolution, happily 
thought of writing its history with passages extracted from these au- 
thors; and without any other labor, than that of citation, composed an 
original work. So true it is, adcis he, that there are no annals, more 
authentic and instructive, than those of the human heart. When 
we attentively consider our disseiitions, it appears as if Cicero, and 
Tacitus, and Sallustwere their historians. 

Governments, destitute of solid foundations, will always be play- 
things. Scarcely had the first junta begun to exercise its authority, 
when the clounds gathered and the lightnings flashed around them. 
One germ of discontent, not dissembled was exclusion from a share 
in command of the deputies of the people, appointed to give ale- 
gal existence and form to the new political (8) structure. This ex- 
clusion excited personal resentments; and those who deemed thtm- 
selves injured, endeavored to avenge themselves in the name of th& 
public weal. The events which occurred in consequence will be re- 
counted in the course of this sketch. 

These provinces were now theatres of civil war. The Para- 
guayans had not yet resolved to sacrafice a tranquil slavery for a liber- 
ty precarious and futmihuary. The first junta perceived that this 
state of that province was the consequence of fears, inspired by its 
governor Velasco. and felt it a sacred duty to open its eyes to its inte- 
rest and honor. This was the object of another expedition commanded 
byDoR Manuel Belgrano. It was at first unsuccessful, but what three 
bloody battles failed to win, was the fruit of a negotiation, most sa» 
gaciously conducted by the general. The Paraguayans began to be 
persuaded, that the zeal of Velazco, was refined selfishness, obedi- 
ence to him, meanness of spirit, and submission to Spain contrary to 
the public good. The movements of the enemy at Monte Video, 
until now, though siditious, were unimportant. The arrival there 
of a viceroy for Buenos Ayres, inspired the hope of humbling us — 
Idiots I to indulge such hope. We knew Elio and counted upon 
his follies as most efficient auxiliaries. This soldier, whose motto 
was ** boldness," prmised the regency to convert the capital into a 
dungeon of slaves. It was natural that silly and extravagant expec- 
tations, should be indulged and promulged to his employers by a vice 
roy incompetent to fill the most petty office. Elio had the insolence 
to require the junta to recognize him; but this body treated his de- 
mand with the contempt it deserved. 

1811. 

In consequence of this repulse, Elio declared the junta rebellious 
and answerable for all the blood that might be shed in the contest.— 



[2] 



51 



His first effort was to reduce the Orientals to obedience. But these 
brave men taught him what daring spirits, in robust bodies, could ef- 
fect. The conquest of Gaalegualchu and the victory at Soriano, 
were merely preludes to actions more glorious 

Certainly the fury of Elio was far less dteadful to the state, 
than the internal dissentions which now convulsed it, while the junta 
of deputies, labored in perform^ince of its duties, new plots were 
hatched, during a repose which was compulsatory^ by a rival party. — 
It was attempted by black calumny, to abuse credulity in order to 
render the deputies suspected. It was whispered that they intended 
to sell their country to the Portuguese for money and office. A base 
slander (9) which never would have obtained believers, were it not true 
at all times that the great characteristic in party, is blind deference to 
leaders. The junta did not yield to this persecution — but the depu- 
ties, stigmatized as traitors and tyrants, opposed no other shield 
against calumny, than a faithful discharge of duty 

Nevertheless they were still victims of detraction when a revolu- 
tion, known as that of the 5th and 6th of April, in which the govern- 
ment had no share, took place. This event afforded no pleasure to 
the junta — It knew that in the ordinary course of the passions one 
revolution engenders others of the same kind, for when parties are 
once formed, interest and justice become with them convertible 
terms. The junta had always been persuaded, that the true object 
cf the revolution ought to be to secure the people the advantages of a 
free government It held the opinion, that persons in authority if 
unrestrained by the jealous and unceasing attention of colleagues, 
invariably become corrupt- That after being guilty of usurpations, 
to become despotic became necessary to insure impunity: And 
that from violations of the laws to despotism, is but a s'ep. Support- 
ed by the^se reasons, and the unanimous vote of the people, it intro- 
duced the government of juntas into all the provmces. 

Animated by the same spirit, it introduced also the liberty of the 
press. The junta was of opinion, that the time had arrived, when 
thought ought no longer to be imprisoned by the will of the magis- 
trate, who in the words of a celebrated genius, with the cord ihaS 
binds it in his hand, measures and fixes the distance of its flight. 

These cases were succeeded bv others of a different nature and 
importance. To excite the Orientals to resist their foe, and not to be 
at the mercy of the furious Elio and his rapacious followers, among 
the different objects, soliciting attention, deserve the preference. By 
repeating frequently, the words Sparta, Rome, liberty, patriotjsm, 
and by aid lavish and opportune, we had at last the consolation of 
interesting them in the salvation of the country. The taking of Ca- 
nelones by Don Benancio Benovidez, and the victory of San Jose, 
gained by the troops of Don Jose Artigas, v*ill always excite delight. 
Jul feelings. But the junta expected to gather the best fruits after,, 
from policy, it had transferred the- command of the army and sent re- 



52 [2] 

inforcements to colonel Don Jose Rondeau; nor was it deceived.— 
The towns of Minas, San Carlos and Maldonado yielded successive- 
ly to the conqueror Don Manuel Artigas, and the Orientals rising in 
mass, invested the walls of Monte Video. Success so brilliant filled 
Elio with consternation, and made him deem it necessary to stop the 
patriots, in their prosperous career, by some great effort. Twelve 
hundred of his best troops, with a great train of artillery, occupied 
Piedras. Notwithstanding their superiority in numbers, arms, situ- 
ation and discipline, they were conquered by men, who, animated by 
the glory of conquering, forgot their nakedness, weariness and all the 
horrors of death. The general, Don Jose Artigas, manifested on this 
occasion that ardour and coolness with which he inflamed or mode- 
rated the passions of his troops as circumstances required. 

These victories and general Rondeau's removal of his head 
quarters to Mercedeo, for the purpose o^ besieging Monte Vedeo, 
filled Elio, till then over confident, with despair. He inquired of 
the junta if an accommodation were possible, and offered to pur- 
chase even with the humiliating sacrafice of his office; while the jun- 
ta was deliberating upon this proposal, it received intelligence that 
Paraguay had at last awakened from its lethargy, and turned against 
its oppressors arms placed in the hands of its sons, in order to be used 
against the country, thus profiting by its error. This pleasing infor- 
mation produced a reply to Elio.^ wjiich shewed him that nothing re- 
mained for him but submission. 

This energetic reply lighted up anew his flame of war. Elio, 
hearkening alone to the rage which filled his bosom prepared to bom- 
bard the capital. Michelena, with a squadron of five ships, appear- 
ed off the harbor and informed the junta of his hostile intent. This 
body unintimidated boldly answered in reply, ^'Proceed and receive 
practical lessons of the energy of a people, whose courage and re- 
sources are incalculable." The bombardment was executed but 
with more injury to the enemy than to the capital. 

It is now time to turn our eyes to the army of Peru. Thus far it 
was successful. Casteli with six thousand men under his command 
in the vicinity of Desaguedero, expected decisive events, which 
would cover our arms with glory: (10) But, instead of adopting mea- 
sures suitable to his circumstances, he entered into useless negotia- 
tions, and obtainf-d an armistice which Goyeneche perfidiously turn- 
ed to his own advantage. Six days before it expired, the armies of 
the country were attacked in Guagy and Chibiraga, points, distinct 
and distant from each other. In the first battle the enemy was vic- 
torious; in the second (at Chibiraga) neither party conquered; but the 
dispersion of our army left the foe master of the field of battle on the 
following day. Our auxiliary expediiion, being thus unfortunate, the 
enemies became masters of upper Peru. The junta was undismay- 
ed by this reverse of fortune. In its proclamation to the people, it 
reminded them thgit the Roman Senate after the defeat at Canajthanked 



[2] 



SS 



the consul Varro» for not despairing of the republic, and declared that 
it did not despair. This proclamation circulated throughout the 
cou )try, roused the people to generous exertions. 

It is proper here to narrate the capture of the Island of Rotas.'-^ 
The besieging army of Mont Video was greatly in want of powder^ 
and this island contained a quantity equal to what it required* Al- 
though the attack was extremely hazardous, it was made with sagacity 
and valor by Don Jose Quesado, commander of our troops, and 
crowned with success. He abandoned it after spiking the cannoQ, 
bringing with him twenty quintals of powder. 

We had not only to contend against the Spanish troops, bat 
also to be on our guard against a stranger whose ambition was well 
known. Our revolution had early awakened the policy of the Por« 
tuguese, and the court of Brazil under the pretext of preserving m 
favor of Ferdinand the 7lh, the integrity of his dominions, desired to 
get possession of his South American territories in order to secure 
the rights which might accrue to the Princess Carlota. The junta 
consinered that if Portugal refrained from doing what both her fears 
and her ambition prompted, it would be a phenominan in history, — 
It therefore, mistrusted this power, and took all the precautions, pru- 
dence dictated to renew Elio's demands for assistance unavailing. 

The court of Brazil caused its troops to enter the territory of the 
state, but, before it resorted to arms, made experiment of what it 
could effect by policy. Removing at last the veil that had enveloped 
its designs, it proposed to i,he junta to purchase by voluntary submis- 
sion, its acknowledgment of the independence of La Plata and its 
solemn engagement that even if Ferdinad recovered the Spanish 
throne, it should not be again subjected to the authority of the mother 
country. The junta considered that it would merit public hatred and 
vengeance, should it hearken favorably to a proposal with which it 
could not comply without imbicility and baseness. Although, since 
the victory of Goyeneche had made him master of Peru, almost en~ 
vironed with foes, the junta thought only of putting into requisition 
all the resources of the country, and v^hen these failed to bury itself 
beneath its ruins, xi little less folly on the part of Elio, would have 
placed him in a situation to open a negotiation (as he proposed) with 
the junta, to have assisted and been assisted by it against the Portu- 
guese, and to have settled satisfactorily all matters in controversy. 
From the various sources for bettering the situation of the country 
which suggested themselves to thejunta, it selected that of reforming 
the government. We had long experienced the evils of a system dispro- 
portioned incapable of commanding means edequate to the ends to be 
effected, and destitute of the power necessary for putting in motion, 
and directing the machine of government. The exclusion of the de- 
puties from a share in tiie government, which we have before related, 
may have resulted from artifice, precipitation or other cause; but it 
is certain that to have admitted them all, would have been incom- 



54. [2] 

patible with the secrecy, celerity and vigor, without which to govera 
well is impossible. To obviate the inconveniences resulting from 
the want of these essentials, the junta determined to create 
an executive power which, in the language of the sapient Neckar, 
"Should in the body politic represent that mysterious power which 
in man causes the action to correspond with the will." The consi- 
deration that when the executive authority has no just limits, the 
state is but a confused heap of oppressors and oppressed, induced the 
junta in order to temper it to reserve to itself with the title guardian 
of the public rights, (he power of \tgis\2Ltion, not however to its full 
extent, for it could be thus exercised onh by a national congress, but 
merely to provide for exigencies, torestain the operation of laws pre- 
judicial to the state, to deliberate upon important affairs, and to calm 
the distrust in their governors with which growing fondness /or li- 
berty inspired the people. 

With these limitations, the junta created an executive power, 
vested in three persons, who were Dr. Don Juan Jose Paso, Don 
Feliciano Chiclana, and Don Manuel Sarratia. If these new magis- 
trates would have respected the barriers that limited their power, 
they would have spared the capital a tumult, the deputies an affront, 
and their own reputations a death-wound. From a reprehensible 
desire of authority without the proper counterpoise, they stigmatiz- 
ed the regulation madt by the deputies, in'virtue of the power they 
had reserved, "as a code calculated to precipitate the country into the 
abyss of ruin." The deputies being made the victims of public dis- 
order, their place in the government remained vacant. The mani- 
fests issued in justification of this measure could easily have been 
refuted,but the depuries, avyare, that when the feelings of the people 
are. in a state of irritation, it is in vain to appeal to them for justice, 
wisely trusted their defence to events, which, they were confident, 
would sooner or later, make apparent their innocence They did not 
miscalculate: for the prosperity subsequently enjoyed by the country 
under a political system, very simliar to the one they proposed, has 
completely refuted the caluii>nies of their adversaries. 

It is impossible in a sketch like the present, to give a full view 
of the perturbed state in which this violent measure left the capital, 
Ttwas divided into factions familiar v/ith every kind of petty artifice. 
Bitter invectives, false relations, exagerated fears, were employed 
to obtain whatever they deemed promotive of their interests. **E.Ach 
party" says an intelligent observer, ''strengthens itself by railing at, 
and calumniating its opponents. Party zeal gives reputation to fac- 
tions, and to be deemed by them a man of worth, it is sufficient to 
be one of them." The most despicable persons were selected for 
chiefs, for the absence of talent and honesty ensured their innocuous- 
ness. The situation of the capital was truly deplorable. 

In this state of things, the sergeants, corporals, and soldiers,of the 
first regiment, openly mutinied and jeopardized their safety, by in- 



M 



55 



discreetly attempting to prevail against their officers. The capital 
was converted into a field of battle. The mutineers were compelled 
to surrender, and eleven of their number were executed to punish this 
outrage against the laws. The government did not confirm their sen- 
tence with dry eyes, but it knew that rulers invariably bring their au- 
thority into contempt by giving impunity to criminals. 

Fear and trouble mingle with the very elements of unstable gov- 
ernments. The deputies of the people retired to their hearths, after 
they were left at liberty to do so, by their exclusion on the 5th and 6th 
of April from the government. The intractable Bishop Orellana by 
his hypocrisy, obtained his restoration to a chair from which his 
crimes excluded him. These occurrences augmented distrust and 
jealousy. When government adheres to a party, it makes, says a sage, 
the political bark to incline to one side and accelerate a shipwreck 
in which it is also lost. It is true though, adds he, that neutrality is 
not always warranted by justice, but rather by ambition, which stand- 
ing aloof from disorders, draws from them its greatest advantages. 

While the bosom of the country was thus torn to pieces, the ex- 
tremities were in no better condition. It is certain that in consequence 
of an almost general insurrection of the Indians, the district of Paz 
was recovered, the city besieged, and the army of Lombera routed: 
it is also true, that the brave Don Estevan Arce, made himself master 
of Cochabamba. But notwithstanding these triumphs, the conquer^ 
or of Guaqui, retained his conquest. The retreat made from Potosi 
by Colonel Don Juan Martm and Pueyrredon, with the remnant of 
the army and wealth of the country, was executed so heroically, that 
it deserves to be taken for a model. Ic is only given to intrepid spir» 
its to make themselves respected in the hour of danger. 

The Banda Oriental presented nothing which could tranquilize 
us. It is true, that the Portuguese, though acting with their accus- 
tomed dissimulation, had not gathered its expected fruits. Their 
troops had approached Monte Video, with the hope that circumstanc- 
es opening to them the gates, she would change her language even if 
her feelings remained unchanged. Experience shewed that the pro- 
jects of cabinets sometimes fail. A treaty of peace made between 
this city and the capital, by which it was agreed, that upon our troops 
raising the siege and retiring beyond the Uruguay, the Portuguese 
should evacuate the Banda Oriental, disconcerted all their plans. 
Still they did not despair. As remarkable for perfidy as we for good 
faith, by a scandalous invasion on their part, they renewed the war, 
and gave the troops of General Aartigas an opportunity of shewing 
these foes that none offended them with impunity. It was evide*.t, 
that to obtain Monte Video was the object of the Portuguese. Their 
seductive influence induced her to break the treaty and renew the 
blockade of the capital. 

It is only the pusillanimous that are disheartened by danger. 
Men count the number of their efforts by their reverses. Fortune en-^ 



56 [2] 

ters into their calculations in doubtful cases, but they rely solely on 
virtue. The government, convinced that victory is not essential, and 
that brave men when reduced to the greatest straits, are most efficient 
undismayed, strained every nerve to save us The scarcity of money 
was supplied by a confiscation of enemy's property, and an annual 
contribution of six hundred and thirty-eight thousand dollars; an 
estado major general was created; a methodical plan furnished for re- 
forming the army; subordination was better established, the liberty 
of the press confirmed. The army of Perureinforced> and additional 
tioops opposed to the coalition of our enemies 

While these measures were adopting, a new occurrence relight- 
ed the torch of discord in the capital. By a regulation of the execu- 
tive power, an assembly to meet at stated periods was organized, for 
the object of deliberating, during a session positively limited to eight 
days, upon great state affairs, and of selecting every six months a suc- 
cessor to the chief of the government, whose term of service expired. 
As love of liberty had generated inquietude and distrust, it was dif- 
ficult to take any step without interrupting tranquillity. Don Juan 
Martin Puerreydon was elected. The assembly considered that it 
could not without imbecility refrain from assuming supremacy over 
the general governmert and all the provinces of the union. This was 
stigmatized by the executive as an excess subversive of the law, 
which gave this body being. The assembly urged that the law cited 
against them was the work of force; force terminated the contest, 
the assembly \yas dissolved, and the citizens still more disunited. 

Discord, the tendency of which is to subvert all authoritVv de- 
bilitates the state. But this does not happen when it is awakened 
by love of liberty. Nothing is more natural than that the people 
should observe with fear, the hand which governs them, but it is a 
fear neither enervating courage, nor weakening understanding. 
The confusion, into which general Arce, after the rout at As- 
tete, and general Artigas, after a victory over a division of Portu- 
guese, put the generals Goyeneche and Sousa, ought to have made 
them know, that attempts against liberty, are always vain. The 
court of Brazil, convinced of this truth, perceived that it would be 
best for it to be upon terms of amity with us. It, therefore, by its ple- 
nipotentiary, Don Juan de Redemarker, submitted proposals to us, to 
which, under the guaranty of Great Britain, w^e acceded. 

Although Goyeneche, in Upper Peru, was filled with grief by the 
desertion of his troops, and other repeated misfortunes; pride would 
not permit him to abandon his conquest. Thus circumstanced, 
availing himself of our retreat to Tucuman, from the right bank of 
the river Suipacha, he resolved to attempt the conquest of Cochabam- 
ba. With the greatest and best of part of his troops, he marched, 
routed general Arce, and approached the city. Antezana, president 
of its junta, perceiving himself without resources, offered submission, 
and implored the clemency of the conqueror. This proceeding, 



[2] 



57 



fhough prudent, was viewed with extreme disgust by a magnani- 
mous people, who had acquired so much glory. Ahhough destitute 
of solid support, they preferred the horrors of war, to the advantages 
of a humiliating peace, and commenced an irregular fight, in which 
the women (12) intermingled with the men. The contest was ve- 
ry unequal: after some resistance, they yielded with considerable loss. 
This gallantry was sufficient to incite Goyeneche to the most base and 
cruel vengeance. The town was delivered up to plunder for three 
hours, which afforded opportunity for the commission of every sort 
of crime. That the soldiers should have been guilty of monstrous 
excess, is not surprising, since (13) Goyeneche himself, incited 
them by his example. It is a fact, well authenticated, that entering- 
with one half of his cavalry, the gate of the mother church, the sa- 
crament being exposed, he killed, with a stroke of his sword, the 
Fiscal Lopez Andreu, who presented it trembling with terror. 

He then pursued boldly, the several precedents of tyrants: by 
banishments, confiscations and executions, this homicide, rivalled 
Nero in infamy. In the places subjected to his yoke, a gesture, a 
clouded visage, an indiscreet word, a tear, stealing down the cheek, 
was a crime of state. It may be remembered, that eleven 
of the dispersed soldiers of general Arce, were sacrificed to his ven» 
geance at Chuquisaca. It was necessary for the timid to be en- 
compassed by men like themselves that they might not encounter, oa 
which ever side they turned, this head of Medusa which froze the 
heart. But, in general, he failed to obtain the expected fruit from 
his barbarous policy. He inspired more hatred than terror. On all 
sides his troops were attacked with fury. 

\yhile we are drawing near the moment, when the arms of the 
country achieved more important victories over the enemy, let us no- 
tice other successes, more nearly relating to the capital. 

The measures of the Portuguese we last mentioned, and the obsti- 
nate resistance of Monte Video, induced the government, to send 
Don Manual Sarratea to the other side of the river, as its representa- 
tive and general. The primary object of this mission, was to renew 
the seige of Monte Video, and to set limits to extravagant pride. 
The success of this undertaking depended upon the cooperation of 
the eastern with the western troops. But the appointment of Sarra- 
tea was not approved by general Artigas, and his jealousy impeded 
the execution of this project. But at last, after some opposition 
from Agui and Salto Chico, the union, which should ever subsist be- 
tween the several members of the same state, was in fact obtained. 
Some troops joined the army, though slowly, and bodies of men were 
stationed in the vicinity of Monte Video, by general Rondeau. The 
governor, Vigodet, perceived that this new siege, was about to pro- 
duce inevitable misfortune. Knowing that all our forces had not 
united, he formed the design of surprising our camp, and executed 
it with vivacity, at the head of two thousand men. In this history 

8 



i 



58 [2] 

are recorded, few days more glorious, than the 31st of December, 
1812, in which our general, his subalterns, Soler, Ortiguera.Quintana, 
Eocalada and other officers, manifested a valor and intelligence worthy 
our cause. Their efforts made the audacity of the enemy degenerate 
into cowardice. Being very roughly handled, the foe retreated, 
leaving dead on the field of battle, major general Muesas, with many 
officers and soldiers. Many prisoners were taken. 

It was decreed that our freedom should be purchased with blood 
and with danger. The rejoicings for this victory were mingled with 
astonishment at the discovery of a most atrocious plot. A considera- 
ble number of European Spaniards, resident in Buenos Ayres, had 
confederated to cover it with havoc and mourning. These perfidious 
associates held ti^eir treasonable meetings in profound secrecy and 
adjusted a plan so inhuman, that posterity will be unable to read the 
account of it without shuddering. The members of the government, 
the magistrates, the most zealous Americans, and tven Euro- 
pean Spaniards, friendly to independence, were to be beheaded on 
the scaffold Those who escaped from the carnage, were to be ban- 
ished from their habitations, to make room for Spaniards from the 
interior. The provinces, these assassins expected, would speedily 
be subjugated to their authority. Martin de Alzaga, a man formed 
by nature for crimes of this sort, had the direction and execution of 
this atrocious conspiracy confided to him. For the sake of humani* 
ty, the tutelar genius of the country defeated the plan of these con- 
spirators. At the very instant they were issuing forth to commence 
the work of desolation, they were discovered and arrested sword in 
hand. \Yhen this affair became public, indignation could be read in 
every countenance. By the assistance of the citizens, the principal 
criminals were apprehended. The government subjecting these dis- 
turbers of the public peace to the utmost rigor of the law, inflicted 
on those the punishment they designed for others. 

While we were rejoicing at our escape from so attrocious a plot, 
we were still apprensive of being assailed by an arnny, which, consi- 
dering our weakness as part of its strength, menaced us from Jnjuy 
and Salta- Three thousand men, with three pieces of artillery, com- 
manded by general Don Pio de Trestan, a native of Arequipa, and 
second in command of Goyeneche, fell upon our army of Tucuman, 
amounting to only sixteen hundred soldiers, the greatest part of them 
heard in this battle for the first time the v.?histling of balls. Only the 
most daring could hope for victory. General Belgrano, who united 
the most insinuating s^veetness of manners, with the most rigid jus-- 
t'ce. possessing too the art of penetrating the designs of the enemy, 
and concealing his own, at the head of a patriotic band of the vicinity, 
decided the fortune of the day. Colonel Don Raymon Balcarce, also 
signalized himself; where the battle most raged, there was he to be 
found. The other officers also entitled themselves to their country's 
gratitude. As if they had not been humbled in the action of the 24th 



I 



C^3 



59 



ot September, the enemy offered us a new insult on the following day « 
Conquered as they were, without artillery, munitions or baggage, 
they dared demand the surrender of a town to which the infantry had 
retired with part of the cavalry. The major general Don Eustoquio 
Diaz Velez, who commanded there, was one of ihose men who live 
only for* their country. This energetic reply put to flight the hope, 
which the enemies were silly enough to indulge, and forced them to 
a disorderly and shameful retreat. 

The news of this memorable victory reached the capital, when 
it was convulsed by a new commotion. The spirit of party we have 
so much lamented, on every change in the government produced 
some disturbance. In this state of things, says an elegant observer, 
no one grasped the command but an adventurer, destined to fall by 
reason of his very elevation. To give a successor to the chief of 
the government, whose term of service expired, the assembly met 
and chose Dr. Don Pedro Medrano — a popular commotion ensued. 
The consistorial assembly re-assumed the authorities of the people — 
a new government was appointed, compossedof the citizens Don Juan 
Jose Paso, Don Nicholas Pena, and Don Antonio Albares Jonte and 
was recognized. 

Power is a mere nullity, if those, v/ho ought to obey it, think 
that in all cases they have a right to set in judgment upon what it 
commands. This was the situation of the state. Instead of having 
recourse to the energetic measures necessary to support governments, 
the new government weakly resorted to decrying the one which had 
been subverted, to promising great advantages from the subsisting 
one. It believed that a general assembly with unlimited powers was 
indispensably necessary, to giye constitutional existence to the state, 
and summonses were issued for this purpose. 

This step being taken, it turned its attention to the internal and 
«xternal security of the state. The European Spaniards had not taken 
learning from the examplary chastisements we had inflicted upon 
them. More obstinate than ever they confederated again for our 
destruction; the conspiracy was discovered, five of the traitors were 
executed, and their bodies exposed to public view, as a salutary warn* 
ing to rash men. 

1813. 

This desperate plot originated in a criminal combination between 
the Spaniards resident in Buenos Ayres and Monte Video. Terrified 
by the siege of the last mentioned place and goaded by pride, upon 
Don Manuel Sarratea's withdrawing from the command, terminated 
that quarrel, which, the empoisoned source of a thousand evils, pre- 
vented the complete re-union of the Oriental troops with the besieging 
army. The besieged, who always retained the hope of profiting by our 
discord, were filled with consternation by the defeat of this conspi- 



60 [2] 

racy. Ever obstinate, they repeated their sallies, but the besiegers, 
headed by Soler, Yillarino, Terrad®, Cruz, Ortiguena and French, re» 
pelled them all. 

The possession of Monte Video was important to the Spaniards, 
in prosecuting their scheme of subjugating us. Availing themselves 
of their marine they infested our coasts, and endeavored to recover 
in brutal inroads, the reputation they had lost in regular campaigns. 
With the confidence their superiority inspired, they landed twohun" 
dred and fifty men in the vicinity of San Lorenzo. They speedily- 
perceived that they had landed only to augment their misfortunes. 
Attacked by a force as inferior in numbers, as superior to them ia 
bravery by general San Martin, who contemning death, knev; how 
to win the favors of inconstant fortune, they were completely routed. 

This victory was soon followed by that gained by the arms of 
the country, over the army of Tristan. This general tortified in the 
city of Salta, perhaps, hoped to repair his past misfortunes by future 
success, in his criminal designs against his country. The conqueror 
of Tucuman sought him there with his army, filled with the enthu- 
siasm liberty inspires. The signal for battle was given, and it con- 
tinued for three hours and a half. The combatants availing them- 
selves of all that genius, science, valor, nay even desperation could 
contribute to victory: we at last gained the battle. In the heat of the 
light, major general Dioz Yelez, was severely wounded, but not 
prizing so m.uch a prolongation of his days, as to risk for it the loss of 
the battle, he concealed his wound and remained on the field, until 
his strength entirely failing him, he was forced to retire. In this ac- 
tion general Don Martin Rodriguez and the commandant es de division^ 
Donego, Saperi, Pico, Forest, Alvarez, Pedrie', Zelaga, Baicarce, 
Rrodriguez, Arivalo,?iC. were it uch distinguished. General Belgrano, 
being strongly urged by IVistan and his troops to set them at liberty, 
complied. This general, doubtless, thought it v/ould be glorious, to 
give freedom to men who had endeavored to enslave us, and that it 
would be impolitic to let slip an opportunity of conquering by clem- 
encv, the hearts ot those whose bodies his brave troops had by force 
subdued. For this and other generous acts, they made, a base re- 
turn. Freed from captivity, they employed in seducing the people, 
the time they ought to have devoted to proclaiming our generosity, 
and manifesting their gratitude. 

After the victory of Salta, the tyrant Goyeneche fled precipitate- 
ly to Oruro, thus relieving from suffering Potosi, Charcas, Cocha- 
bamba, Santa Cruz De la Sierra and ether places. The fear this 
defeat inspired, caused him to supplicate general Belgrano for an 
armistice. The moderation of this officer, which no success could 
effect, induced him to grant it, but the perfidy of Goyeneche soon 
frustrated it. 

Our country was now advancing by rapid strides to indepen- 
dence, we were led to think so from these victories, and principally 



[2] 



61 



because the national assembly was organized and commenced its 
sebsion on the 31st of January, 1813, This body thought it a gla- 
ring inconsistency, for the nation to make such sacrafices for liberty, 
and still to shelter slavery in its bosom. The situation of the coun- 
try pot permitting this evil to be corrected at once, this assembly 
decreed, that from the day of its creation, all children of slaves 
should be born free; thus in part repairing the injury committed 
against nature, and immortalizing its birth day. 

It did itself no less honor by the abolition of tributo and mita^ 
which v/ere odious permissions to commit every species of crime, 
and the abolition of which had been decreed in 1811. These be- 
nificent measures were no less politic than just. The Indians, whose 
services we needed, were thus conciliated. 

The celebrated victory of Salta filled with surprise the vice roy 
of Lima, and made him resort to the usual measures of alarmed 
despotism. The general Pezuela, took the command of the army 
of (Joyeneche, and with a reinforcement, took up his head quarters at 
Orruro. Pezuela undoubtedly possessed military talents far supe- 
rior to those of Goyeneche, and if towns which had sworn to be free, 
could have been subdued, he would have achieved the odious vic- 
tory. 

All measures preparatory to a battle between the opposing ar- 
mies were taken. The victory gained and the flame kindled by the 
spark of liberty in all parts, not even excepting Lima, presaged a 
happy issue to the patriots. But perhaps, to give us lessons of mod- 
eration aud prudence, the Almighty decreed that we should lose the 
battles of Vilcapugio and Hayouma. Upper Peru was thus snatched 
from our hands. Pezuela extended his conquests even to Juguy 
and Salia, and the remnant of our army took shelter in its former 
place of refuge, Tucuman. 

But this imprudent contest could not impede nature in her 
course. Our felicity was the offspring of reverses, which corrected 
our inexperience. From this fatal moment, a new enthusiasm for 
the country, and a new order of things gradually established, pro- 
duced the happiest effects. The Cochabambinos, full of the fury des- 
peration inspires, retired to Valle- Grande. Although one of the re- 
verses incident to warfare had tried their fortitude, the victory of Flo- 
rida gained over a body of one thousand men, by general Warnes, in 
conjunction with his cruecenos,|Checked the daring march of our for- 
ces. The flame was rapidly communicated. The same Warnes marched 
to Chiquitos, where he shut himself up with the royal troops. Gen- 
eral Camargo defended himself in Chayanta, destroyed several de- 
tached parties and preserved the province from the detested yoke. 
-— Padilla established his head quarters at Yampaipez, routed Ta- 
eon, in many encounters, and changed the aspect <!)f the enemy's 
affairs. The Indians made great exertions to prevent the yoke from 



62 [2} 

which they had escaped, being again imposed upon them, and tasted 
the pure pleasures of liberty. 

After garrisoning several places in Peru, Pezuela brought a 
force equal to what he left there, to Jaguy and Saita. Parties of 
the inhabitants under the orders of the captain Seravia, and of the 
advance under their commandante Guemez;, after the droves of hors- 
es, and provisions had been withdrawn to places inaccessible to rhe 
enemy, attacked them whenever they moved, and wherever they 
were posted. Those of the enemy, who imprudently left the main 
body of their forces, were instantly made prisoners by our parties. 
Never was partizan warfare better conducted, and more successful, 
general Pezuela saw with bitterness his laurels wither, and to escape 
the ruin with which a half starved army menaced him, retreated, 
first, to his ancient posts, and there, filled with apprehension, retired 
to Peru to succour there the terrified royalists. 

He misled some patriots by blandishments, places, and promis- 
es, but always distrusting them, kept them in subaltern stations, 
although the importance of their services entitled them to the first 
offices. One of these, Don Saturnio Castro, a native of Salta, whose 
efforts had cost his country dear, felt his indignation redoubled, 
when he cast his eyes upon his wounds, and impelled by wounded 
self-love, hearkened to the salutary councils of reason. In this state 
of mind, he determined to avenge his country, and himself, by a 
plot against the oppressors. It was discovered, its author arrested, 
and condemned to death. 

Pezuela was unnecessarily cruel and vindictive. Enthusiasm 
for the country daily gained ground. The city of Cuzco at last sun- 
dered its chains, and new Peruvian heroes espoused the cause. Pi- 
nelo, the presbiteroy Dr. Munecas, the king's brigadier, Pumakagua, 
and Angulo, joined the patriots, and caused an almost general revolu- 
tion in public opinion. The two first triumphed at La Paz, but their 
lives and those of their troops were more endangered after the vic- 
tory, than during the battle. The enthusiastic Spaniards conceived 
the project of burying them under the ruins of their laurels. These 
barbarians had familiarized themselves w^ith every species of crime. 
Thev poisoned the springs, and formed two mines, for the destruc- 
tion of the patriots. Their foresight was not sufficient to apprise 
them of the horrors that environed them. One of these mines ex- 
ploded, and the death of a hundred and fifty persons (some say three 
hundred) was the melancholy result of this treacherys The people 
who could only think of taking vengeance for this last, and worst of 
their atrocities, put to the sword, ail the Spaniards with their gov- 
ernor Yaldehoyos. In recompence for the risks they had incurred, 
these brave men deserved to be the arbiters of their fortune. But 
she is by nature a jilt, who denies her favors when most needed. 
Pinelo and Munecks left La Paz, and uniting at Desaguedero, form- 
ed a body of eight hundred men, with which they opposed the 



[21 



6S 



troops of Pezuela, who marched in pursuit of them; battle was 
given, and the enemy was victorious, by reason of superiority of 
numbers. 

The Indian Pumakagua marched upon Arequipa, that noble 
city, which stifling its feelings, was enslaved. With manly courage, 
he quickly engaged an army of more than a thousand men, routed it, 
took prisoners its chief Picoaga, the governor Moscozo, and La- 
valle, who being conducted to Cuzco, were put to death. More than 
two hundred Spaniards were sacrificed to a just indignation. The 
victor was compelled to march to Cuzco, by the defeat of Pinelo and 
Munecas. Ramirez, a name that will be eternally infamous, pur- 
sued the patriots furiously. The retreat of Pumakagua left the pas- 
sage to Arequipa open to the royalists, and afforded an apportunity ta 
repeat the enormities perpetrated at La Paz. 

Another of the Angulos had displayed his energy at Guamanga^ 
routing four hundred taleberinos detached by the vice-roy of Lima; 
but the capture of Arequipa by Ramirez, called his attention to Cuz- 
co. This great city was a prey to disorder. Nothing could sup- 
port its wretched existence. There the three Angulos were beheaded, 
and their heads carried upon a pike to Sicuani. 

A reform of the government, reducing it to a single director of 
the state, in the person of the citizen Don Gervasio Posadas, placed 
in the capital great obstacles to the vibrations of the passions. Titus 
Livius, observes, that Rome would have perished, if from a prema- 
ture love of liberty, it had in its infancy abolished regal power. 
The public authority was strengthened by the politic measure of 
trusting the affairs of the state to the activity of a single individual. 

Our Oriental army rendered itself more respectable by a stroke 
which proved its vigilance, and its firmness. The Spaniards of Mon» 
le Yideo, losing the hope of advancing their cause by open warfare, 
had recourse to assassination. A conspiracy of their agents was dis- 
covered in our camp, and the traitors sacrificed to the public security. 

18U. 

But this fortunate discovery, did not free the state from all peril, 
for in its bosom, a storm was brewing, and ready to burst. General 
Artigas, that singular man, who united to extreme sensibility, the ap- 
pearance of coldness: a most insinuating urbanity to decent gravity: 
a daring frankness to courtesy: an exalted patriotism to a fidelity at 
times suspicious: the language of peace, to a native inclination to 
discord: in fine, a lively love of independence to most extravagant 
notions as to the mode of achieving it: this man, we say, disgusted 
with the government, because it bestowed rewards upon those he ex- 
pected to see chastised, had already sowed the seeds of civil war 
among the troops. This great ascendancy over the Orientals, com- 
pelled them either to seek his amity or to tremble at his enmity. — 



«* [2] 

Those citizens who loved order, labored with zeal and dexterity, to 
extinguish a flame menacing ruin to the state. This end appeared to 
be obtained by an Oriental congress, which general Rondeau conven- 
ed, in the name of the government, for the puspose of nominating 
deputies for a national congress, and a provincial governor. All was 
on the eve of being verified, when general Artigas, as chief of the 
Orientals, commanded, in the name of the same government, that 
the electors should present themselves at his head quarters in order 
to receive instructions from him. This proceeding so strongly sa- 
vouring of despotism, offended everyone. The electors assembled 
in the chapel of Maciel, and fulfilled their trust. The real disposi- 
tion of general Artigas then discovering itselfj he annulled the con- 
gress, thus assuming absolute power; but this daring measure had 
no effect upon what this body had done. The selection of deputies, 
and a govenor, was celebrated in all the encampments, and the last 
named officer began to exercise his functions. General Artigas view- 
ed these measures with a hatred, lively, as dissembled, and prepared 
to avenge himself. Under various pretexts he withdrew his country^ 
and at last, in the garb of a countryman, deserted Kis post, thus leav- 
ing exposed the right of our line. This rash proceeding made it ap. 
parent, that he preferred his own interests to those of his country 
But many officers, and others of the Orientals, did not follow this per- 
nicious example. 

It is not easy to conceive the terrible confusion into which this 
event threw the besiegers. Three times orders were given to raise 
the siege, and as often they were revoked, so great were the evils on 
each side. At last the encampments were abandoned with incalcula- 
ble loss, and unutterable grief. The ene-my, upon discovering this, 
were filled with surprise, though they did not abandon themselves to 
immoderate joy, because they feared it might be a feint; but the peo- 
ple less cautious, hurried away by the desire to breathe fresh air, 
went in crowds without the walls. From proper foresight, the re- 
doubts of our advanced parties had not been abandoned; French, offi- 
cer of the day, ordered a most unexpected discharge of cannon, which 
made the enemy attribute to stratagem, what resulted, in truth, from 
our weakness. The terror this created in the city prevented sallies 
being made. 

This advantage, combined with the lucky arrival, on the same 
day, of supplies, and the consolitory information, that a small squad- 
ron was equipping to transport a reinforcement, changed the appear- 
ance of things. The public mind was tranquilized: the fugitives re- 
turned in parties: the people of the vicinity tendered their assistance, 
and general Rondeau knew how to profit by these inestimable advan- 
tages; the siege was renewed more efficiently than it ever had been. 

The director, Posadas, viewed the desertion of general Artigas 
with a hatred, carried beyond the bounds of prudence. Taking coun- 
sel from his anger, he thought that justice should take its course. 



J 



[2] 



By a solemn decree, he declared him infamous, deprived of his offi- 
ces, and an oudaw, atid incited the people to pursue him as a duty 
they owed the country; in fine, bcheving that he could stifle rebel- 
lion in the blood of the rebel chief, he set a price upon his head, offer- 
ing six thousand dollars to whoever would bring him in, alive or dead. 
Experience has shewn, that moderation would have been far wiser 
than this violence. The director took a wrong course; whether Ar- 
tigas was as guilty, as he thought him, the readers can decide. But 
even if he was so, what other effect could impotent rigour produce, 
than contempt of authority, and obstinacy in the delinqaent? Evea 
this was not all. The Orieatals had enthronged Artigas in their 
hearts: as that which is abhored, is deemed always to be in the wrong, 
the very proofs upon which the director founded his decree, were, 
with the partisans of Artigas, so many evidences of his innocence. 
This proscription became that of a vast district, and reconciliation 
almost impossible. God grant that we may not see this sad truth 
perpetuated. 

The army of the capital, and the naval force of the country v/ere 
at this time, considerably augmented. The troops demanded to be 
led to battle; the fleet panted to dispute with the enemy, the command 
of the river. In short, the fortune of war gave us decisive success- 
es. Two men, with all the talents required by the ends for which 
they were destined, the secreiary Larea, and Colonel Alvear, being 
substituted for general liondeau, concerted the capture of Monte Vi- 
deo, and all obstacles yielded to iheir activity, and the accuracy of 
their calculations. A naval battle, in which Brown, commanded our 
ships, and defeated shamefully the Spaniards, who were stronger in 
vessels than we, made us masters of the port. To give the finishing 
stroke to their misforttmes, Monte Video, shortly after yielded, not- 
withstanding a criminal correspondence between Vigodet, and the 
patriot Torguez. Thus was despotism deprived of its strong hold. 

Our Peruvian army was now commanded by general Rondeau, 
who having sustained with c^-edit, the siege of Monte Video, had not 
the glory of triumphing over it. The government transformed the 
command of this army from him to the conqueror of Monte Video. 
Ic is certain that Alvear united all the qualities of a warrior, and pos- 
ses'ied a military experience, which he owed more to genius, than to 
years But this change of command v/as viewed by the chief of this 
army, as the measure of a policy without forethought, and an ambi- 
tion without limit. Something further contributed to render it odious, 
and this was the ahirming suspicion that the country was about 
to be shamefully betrayed by treacherv. I'his suspicion was counte- 
nanced, by the anticipated mission of Don Ventura Vasqnez, confi- 
dential officer of the government, to place in the hands of Pezuela, 
certain letters: his exclusive nomination to treai with this cn(;my: 
the sending commissioners to the Spanish court: and the appoint- 
ment of new officers in this army. The public mind was thus dis- 

9 



66 [2] 

tracted with doubts and apprehensions, when general Rondeau abdi* 
cated the command: nothwithstanding which, his suDal.erns coales* 
ced; the regiments confederated, and Alvefir was not admitted. 

This event was foreseen. A general disgust portended and pre- 
cipitated it. It has often happened, that people have refused to sub- 
mit to despotism, and not known how to use liberty. The general, 
thus rejected by the army, returned to the capital, and was created 
director. This impolitic act challenged hatred, where there was al- 
ready sufficient to vengeance. 

This election caused an almost universal murmur, which presag- 
ed important movements. The reasons assigned in justification of 
this dissatisfaction, were, that the army of Peru, not being able to 
obey as supreme director, one whom they had refused to recognize as 
their chief, all the terrible effects of anarchy were about to be experien- 
ced; that the capital and other parts of the country, felt too much 
animosity against the party, to which the director owed his elevation, 
to recognize him without discontent: and that under protection 
of the army of Peru, aud general Artigas, ihey might dissolve an as- 
sembly disgraced by intrigue, in their opinion, and prostrate an idol, 
to which the tongue paid homage, the heart disavowed: in fine, that 
the recollection of those acts, by which the province deemed them- 
selves outraged, might induce them to push resentment further than 
they ought. 

These apprehensions, were, in ^ great measure, realized. The 
army of Peru refused obedience to the new director. Cordova list- 
ening more to anger than to prudence, preferred danger to ignominy, 
and withdrew from its connection with the capital, Santa Fee,, 
counting more upon its courage than strength, adhered to the system 
of independence it had adopted, since the troops of Artigas had inva- 
ded it. 

The situation of the army of Peru, was critical and dangerous. 
The anxiety which began to prevail as to the consequences of these 
dissentions: desertion veiled under the shadow of a new government^ 
succours withdrawn: in fine, the unfortunate action of Tejar multi- 
plied cares and alarmed the imagination. Nevertheless, general 
Roudeau did not lose his natural equanimity He knew how to 
make the discontented hearken to reason, and to give a iavorable be- 
ginning to an enterprise. Putting his army in motion, he opened an 
entrance into Peru, by the victories of Puesto Grande, and Mochara. 

1815. 

The new director perceived the cloud that had gathered over 
his head, and hastened to use all expedients in his^power to avert it. 
Convinced, that hope and fear are the great exciting principles of 
human actions, he endeavored to operate upon t'ne first by rewards, 
upon the other by chastisements. These instruments failed in his 
hands. The tragical death of the unfortunate Ubeda. on one of the 
most solemn days of worship, caused less terror than indignatioD, 



[2] 



67 



and the triumph over the Cabildo of the capital, by compelling it to 
subscribe an odious p.oclrtmation against general Artigas, served 
only to make it resolve to prol >ng its existence ia spite of this usage. 

On the eve of a political disorganization, tiie director marched 
the veteran troops to subject the towns to a detested yoke. But the 
chief of the vanguard, Don Ignatia Alvarez, with three hundred and 
fifty men under his command, ashamed of being the instrument of 
his exaltation and vengeance, declared in favor of those he was sent 
to attack, and arrested the suspected officers, among whr-m was 
general Viana, who came to take the command. He encamped, and 
was joined by several detachments trom Mendoza. The director, 
surrounded in his encampment, put inio play whatever could con- 
tribute to save him in so critical a suuatipn, but in vain; for fortune 
had determined to put an end to his glory and prosperity. The Ca- 
bildo of Buenos Ayres, instructed by Alvarez and called by general 
acclamation to the command, assumed it. The civicos, wuh many 
officers of distinction, rallied round it» as its protectors. So many 
obstacles filled the director with despair. At last he yielded, and 
cast out of his country, was forced to beg an asylum in a foreign 
land. This cable being broken, the national assembly with its sys- 
tem of favoritism and peculation, was involved in ruin. All, even 
the Orientals, irreconcilable enemies of the capital, applauded a suc» 
cess, which appeared to be the beginning of order. 

In order to give a successor to the deposed director, a body of 
electors was constituted, who chose general Rondeau, chief of the 
army ofPeru, and named as his deputy, colonel Alvarez, who took 
the lead in the recent subversion of Alvear's authoruy. 

His election would not have secured the public tranquillity, if the 
causes which disturbed it had not been rem )ved. It was perceived, 
that heretofore, the executive availing itself of the distractions, or 
patience of the people, had gradually rendered itself absolute. 
Reason required, that this power should be balanced by another. 
Therefore 2i provisionai statute vf^Lfi formed, and a junta of observa* 
tion erected,^© watch the punctual fulfilment of this law, to cry out 
against the least infraction, and to resist evcy thing prejudicial to the 
general good. It was to be regretted, that this statute gave m( re 
liberty than was compatible with the public good; but we had just 
escaped from one ot those cruel situations, in which, the excesses 
of oppression prevent us from seeing those of its relief. A system 
of distrust, and restriction, made authority a mere political skeleton. 
We shall see the disorders which arose in consequence 

One of the earliest advantages, expected to result from this new 
order of things, was the re-establishment of that fraternal union 
with the Orientals, the rupture of which had cost the country so 
many tears. The Cdbildo of Buenos Ayres, regarding with indig- 
nation the proclamation Alear had extorted from them, commanded 
it to be burned by the common executioner, in the Plaza de Victoriao 



68 [2] 

The government also substituted moderation for the ancient system, 
and if the Orientals, with their chief, had been capable of perceiv- 
ing the greatest enemy of the country and themselves, to be anarchy, 
doubdess a reconciliation would have been effected. But experience 
has shewn, that they had determined to bury themselves in an 
abyss of evils rather than yield. Without doubt too, general Artigas 
believed, that a calm would diminish the authority with which he 
hijd been invested in tempestuous times. 

The government, fearful of seeing civil war propagated in the 
centre of the neighboring provinces, marched troops to Santa Fee, 
under the command of Don Juan Jose Viamont. This city was a 
key, with which general Artigas opened at pleasure the door to his 
seditious communications. In order to remove the distrust, and to 
prevent the opposition of those in the vicinity of this city, the depu- 
ty director promised them perfect liberty, and that the troops should 
not meddle with their domestic affairs. The death of die governor 
Candioti, produced much disorder Contradictory pretensions, well 
or ill founded, acrimonious debates, stratagems inseparable from par- 
ty- all attended the selection of the lieutenant governor, Don Juan 
Francisco Tarragona. The city of Santa Fee was much incensed at 
this appointment. What resulted from it will be seen. 

Grieved at the melancholy posture of affairs in this section of 
the country, we were consoled by pleasing prospects in Peru: we will 
give briefly the principal ideas of general Rondeau's manifests. Pe- 
zuela filled with consternation abandoned his positions, and re- 
treated to the neighborhood of Oruro. The desertion of his soldiers, 
and the difficulty of subsisting those that remained anounced his 
weakness. Our troops improved in numbers, in arms, and discipline: 
the insurrection of la Costa by Penaranda, and Reyes: the approach 
of Dr. Municas: the state of fermentation in which all the provinces 
were: the aids on their march from the capitalj all indicated a pros« 
perous warfare. 

It was necessary that the chance of arms should be sometimes 
inconstant as the throw of dice, to give the melancholy shading of 
misfortune to this picture. Our reverses commenced with the battle 
of Venta and Mtdia, where a patty of the enemy attacking bri- 
gadier Rodriquez, were, most unexpectedly succeshful. This event 
seemed to give its character and color to the succeeding ones- The ac- 
tive Pezuela fell upon our army with the rapidity of lightning. To 
avoid the encounter, general Rondeau removed his camp to a rocky 
situation, remote from Cochabamba. Here the enemy sought him, 
filled with the boldness success inspires. Battle being inevitable, 
Rondeau took post at Sikesipi, forming a camp according to military 
rules. Hostilities commenced. The enemy would not have had 
much cause for boasting, if fortune, which a general cannot com- 
mand, had not favored his cause. His left vv-ing outflanked, his right 
wing almost routed, his centre almost destroyed by our artillery: 



[2] 



69 



such, said Rondeau, was the state of the battle, when a series of in- 
auspicious occurrences gave the victory to the foe, and deprived us 
of g'ory and of hope 

The victory of Siplsipi, by turning the brain of Pezuela, advanc- 
ed the cause of liberty. Our situation was not so disastrous as that 
of the United Provinces of Holland, when they caused themselves 
to be represented under the image of a ship, withcut sails, and with- 
out radder. at the mercy of the waves, with this latin inscription, m- 
tertum quo fata fer ant. General Rondeau, placed his head quarters 
at 7'upiza. with the remnant of his army, and endeavored to reorgan- 
ize it Our government, as if foreseeing rhe unfortunate issue of 
the ba tie. bad sent forward troops, arms, and munitions, nor were 
tht towns of the union ai this distressful period backward in ex- 
tetsding assistance. The brave Camargo, La Medria, Padilla, 
Warnes, and Munecas, by rapid incursions, shewed, that the cause of 
liberty would prevail in spite of our misfortunes. 

The accession of strength, our cause seemed to gain, even by re- 
verses, ought to have made I'ezuela see that his hopes of reestablish- 
ing despotism, were chimerical, but he still cherished the delusion. 
He displayed his inhumanity, by atrocious violations of his prison- 
er's rights, appearing to think, that to became a rebel, was to cease 
to be a man, and to forfeit all claims to justice and to compassion. 
Even that sex (14) regarded with some respect by the most abandoned, 
was not exempt from his rage. Many women among them the most 
circumspect matrons, were banished, or immured in dungeons. 

The dangers which menaced the political existence of the coun- 
try, demanded an executive, sufRciently energetic, to maintain order^ 
and to triumph over the enemy. Unfortunately the provisional stat= 
ute had too much curtailed the executive power. It was embarrass- 
ed by so many restrictions, as to be prevented often from availing 
itself ot circumstances, upon which success depends, and which must 
be seized the instant they present themselves, or the opportunity is 
forever lost. In a situation so critical, the director suplente^ appealed 
to the sovereign people, and asked for a reform of the constitution. The 
capital, always docile, and provident, when not misled by designing 
men, actuated by that prudence, which dictates pacific measures, ap- 
proved the proposed change, and by direct vote, appointed reformers 
of the constitution. 

One of the most urgent objects which chimed the attention of 
government, was the city of Santa Fee. The disgust with which 
this city saw itself govered by a lieutenant governor it abhorred, the 
exile of many reputable citizens, the suggestions of the Oriental 
chief, all conduced to some violent measure. The inhabitants rising 
in mass under the citizen Don Mericana Vera, and aided by the 
troops of Baxada, civil war commenced. General Yiamont was at- 
tacked by the disaffected, with all the fury, that marks insurrections, 
and after bloody contests, capitulated. >Ye know not whv the ca- 



70 [23 

pitulation was not fulfilled. Cordoba adhered to its system of indc- 
pendence. La Rioja imitated its example, and the other cities be^ 
came more or less anarchichal. 

1816. 

AU desired a tutelary power, which, being the creature of the 
people^ should be energetic enough to render the laws respected, 
lliis authority could only be derived from representatives of the peo- 
ple. The people convinced of the necessity of the change, elect- 
ed them, and a sovereign congress was opened at Tucuman, on the 
25ih of March, 1816. Its principal care was to select a director, 
who would draw closely the cord of union, and direct the efferts of 
all to their darling object, independence. Don Juan Martin Pueyr- 
redon, was chosen director. 



NOTES. 



(1) These were Casteli, Belgrano, Chiclana, Paso, Vieytes, Pe- 
na, Banagueyra, Paso, Terrada,Tompson, Vieytes, Balcarce,Berutij 
Rodriguez I)onado,Prigoyen. 

(2; These were colonel Seapedra, president., Castali, Belgraoo, 
Azeninaga, Alberti, Mateu, Larrea, Morreno and Paso. 

(3) Thev were sent to the Canaries, and were Cisnoros, VeleZ- 
co> Reyes, Billota, Carpe, Danaguexra, Eschararria, Medeano, and 
Cosis, the fical. 

(4<) This junta met at the house of the governor, Concha, Lini- 
ers, O^ ellana, two Oidores, Nonorarios, Col. Allende, the Asesor 
Kodriguez, the Alcerdos Ordinarios, the Ministro de las Caxas, Mo. 
reno and myself were present. Talone was in favor of the capital, 
my opinion may be seen in the Gazeta de Buenos Ayres, or in the 
Feriodico Espanol. 

(hj Except the Oidores, and Alcaldes Ordinarios. 

(6) Allende, and Ordriguez were related to the principal fam- 
ilies of Cordova, Liniers and Concha the most respectable of Buenos 
Ayres; some of the relatives of the two last had taken part in the re- 
volution* 



w 



71 



(7) The execution took place between the Post Cobeaa del Ti- 
gra, and that of L ^batun. 

(8) To reunite the provinces in a congress by their representa- 
tives, was the first resolve of the capitol. Circular letters having 
been written for this purpose by the junta, elections were holden in 
the most tranquil cities. In these letters it was stated, that the de- 
puties, when elected, should be incorporated in the government. It 
was now the middle of December, and the deputies (of whom I was 
one representing Cordova) were not incorporated. 

9. In support of this calumny, a letter written by the English 
captain Fleming to the government of Chili, was triumphantly urged. 
But lord Strangleford, the British embassador near the Prince Re- 
gent of Portugal, in his official letter of September 7th, to the gover- 
nor of Buenos Ayres, thus expresses himself: *"•! can in the most au- 
thentic manner, in the name of my court, disavow the letter of captain 
Fleming." 

(10) As Castelli himself states in a despatch. 

(11) The Portuguese Contuchi was the agent in this negotia« 
tion. 

(12) To commemorate the heroism of these families, and as an 
incitement to patriotism, an agudante in each corps of the army of 
Peru, at roll calling in the evening, calls out the women of Cocha- 
bamba, as if they ought to be presented, and a sergeant replies, they 
died in the field of honor. 

(13) By the express orders of Goyeneche, the monastery of SaO' 
la Clara was not plundered, because he knew that the most valuable 
property of the town was there deposited, and wished to appropriate 
it to his own use. 

(14) Among many others, Dona Antonio Paredez, Dona Justa 
Varela, Dono Felipa Barrientes. ladies of the age of nineteen — Dona 
Terese Bustos, the two sisters, Malarias and Dona Barbara Cevailos, 
were imprisoned — Dona Teresa perished in prison — Dona Barbara, 
was b??.nished to Oraro, being forced to abandon nine infant children, 
*he Malarias were also banished. 



72 C^] 

The foregoing continued doiv?i to the haftlc ofMaiJ)u^*ipnl,±817. 

1816. 

With many, the most desirable object, was to obtain a moment 
of calm, during which, the. supreme authority might be consigned to 
able hands; it was however at the very moment that the national 
congress was deliberating on this matter, that the tempest was heard 
to roar with the most violence. 

In consequence of the resignation of the directorship ad interim. 
by colonel Alvarez, the junta of observation, in conjunction with the 
Cabildo of the capitolj elevated brigadier general Aatonio Balcarce, 
to that station as his successor. This remedy was momentary; the 
measure was by no means in consonance with the wishes of the peo- 
ple; and by a kind of fatality which often presides over events, it was 
not long before an explosion was produced among materials so well 
prepared. The electors and elected, were soon discovered figuring 
together on the theatre of discord. 

In the mean while, the new director ad interim, used everv ex- 
ertion to destroy the seeds of discord, which had already produced so 
much ill blood, between the Orientals and the capital, and to render 
ail parties sensible of the advantages of living under the same law. 
Although the first attempt made by him for this laudable purpose, 
promised a favorable result, every means were found in the end 
unavailing to bring about a reconciliation. 

This discord had been propagated in the manner of a contagion, 
and the remedies applied to restrain its desvastations, were found to 
possess no eflicacy. The cit\ of Santa Fee, (a) akhough just escaped 
from a bloody contest, and threatened by dangers of a more serious 
nature, still pursued its peculiar ideas of independence, with what 
may more properly be called obstinancy than constancy. 

Cordova always devoted to the maxims of federalism, notwith- 
standing her having sent deputies to the general congress, considered 
her absolute submibsion to the capital, as unworthy a free people, 
and still cherished the idea of this submission being temporary. 

The other provinces according to their respective situations and 
characters, expressed more or less their dislike to what they consid- 
ered a species of subjection. 

The causes of this political phenomenon, it sought for, will not 
be difficult to be found. The opinion most prevalent in the provin- 
ces, was decidedly in favor cf the federative system, and which they 
were desirous of seeing realized, even in anticipation of all the essen- 

(a) General Dias Telis with a body of troops, was besieged at San Nicholas. 



[2] 



73 



tla! and first objects of their new career. It had been the darling 
wish of the provinces, almost from the commencement of the revolu- 
tion. One which had still greater charms for them, since they had 
seen it realized with so much glory in the United States of North 
America. For the present, however, the governments, the capital, 
and not a few of the more intelligent citizens, were opposed to this 
idea. Each of thase parties supported its ©pinion by weighty rea- 
sons. From the statement of these I am about to make, the enlight- 
ened reader may judge between them. 

Those in favor of the government already established, were of 
opinion, that the federative system could not be legally substituted, 
until sanctioned by a general congress; assuming it as a principle, that 
the constitution of a state, should receive its existence from the 
hands of the nation itself, and not from partial concurrence, and un- 
connected acts; that when the nation first regained its liberty, and all 
the provinces were united under the same government, the present 
was the form they adopted^ and under this form it was, that the exist- 
ence of the republic had been preserved in the midst of the most trying 
disasters. That until all the provinces could be again united, a thing 
by no means hopeless, it would be improper to deviate further than 
was absolutely unavoidable from what had before existed; and that 
at all events, if the preponderance of the capital was an evil, it was 
one which would soon be corrected, when that preponderance ceased 
to be necessary to the common safety. Further reasons, derived 
from views of policy, were added. According to the federative sys- 
tem, said they, each state is sovereign and independent as respects the 
rest, each may possess, and in reality does possess, separate interests; 
it is therefore to be feared, that each will rather seek what it may- 
conceive to be its own interests, than the interest which is common 
to all; and in consequence of this egotism and naisplaced jealousy, be 
involved in a common ruin. That in the midst of the alarming dan- 
gers, which threaten this new born state, the necessity of a complete 
union of all the parts, under the guidance of one head, for the better 
concentration and direction of its forces, is dictated by the plainest 
maxims of prudence; and where, it was asked, can this be placed 
with more propriety than in the capital, where the revolution itself 
received its origin, whence every great effort in the general cause 
has emanated, and which, from its position, its enterprise and intelli* 
gence, is enabled to manage the common concerns of the nation for 
the present, at least to the greatest possible advantage? The first 
thing to be done, continued they, is to place our independence out of 
danger; let this be accomplished before we disagree about the man- 
ner of using it. They further insisted, that it was not altogether 
safe, to confide in the example of the United States of North Ameri- 
ca, which had always been educated in the republican virtues, and to 
whom we were not to be compared, reared as we have been, under the 
rod of despotism J jind that it would be unwise to trust the fate of the 

10 



74 [2] 

nation, in such dangerous times, to virtues which had not yetbeen suf- 
ficiently put to the trial. That it would be most prudent, to leave to 
time and education, under the influence of a free government, to pro- 
duce the same character of enlightened patriotism. Those of the fe- 
deral party, contended on different principles. They admitted that the 
government of Buenos Ayres, the capital of the former vice roy- 
alty, had been the first to shake off the Spanish yoke, and by its 
influence had induced the provinces to follow its example, at the 
same time they alledged the repeated protestations on the part of 
this government, that its preponderance should be but momentary, 
that a general congress should be convened without delay, for the 
purpose of fixing the general government on a permanent basis. It 
was by these protestations that the provinces had been induced to 
enter into the views of the capital, and to place their resources at its 
disposal. They complained that so long a time had elapsed without 
performing this engagement, that their situation thus far was but 
little dift'erent from that under the Spanish monarchy, that they had 
obtained but litde more than a change of masters. They did not 
deny the difficulty of calling a national congress during the stormy 
period of the revolution; but said that in default of a congress, the 
general government of the capital, ought to have ceased, and the 
provinces ceased to be swaj ed by it, seeing that the general voice 
was in favor of the federative system. Far from being inadequate 
to the exigencies of the times, and the objects of the revolution, 
they asserted that the individual acts of the provinces had con- 
tributed most to raise the character of the republic and to advance 
the general cause. If cur dissentions, said they, have caused us 
discredit with foreign nations, it is to be attributed to. the clashing 
of the government of the capital with the feelings and wishes of the 
provinces. That as there can be no effect without a cause, the fed- 
erative system, by putting an end to these odious rivalries and jeal- 
ousis, would prevent the recurrence of scenes so disgraceful. It is 
true, said they, the tumultuous proceedings of the capital, had gen- 
erally sprung from other causes; chiefly from the inordinate thirst 
for office in many of its inhabitants; the ambitious turning to their 
advantage, even the extreme jeolousy of their liberties on the part 
of the people; was it just, it was asked, that the provinces should 
be compelled to follow these frequent and capricious changes, in 
which they took no part? But w uld not these evils have long since 
ceased with the establishment of the federative system? What temp- 
tations could there be to seduce the aspiring in the limited and defi- 
nite powers which the federative system would present? On the con- 
trary, what could be more tempting to the ambitious than a system 
which enabled those in power to be the masters and arbiters of the 
republic: One which wt^uld enable them to prefer their flatterers and 
favorites, and those who were neither, but merely happened to be 
about them, to able and meritorious citizens; and to consult their 



[2] 



75 



private wishes more than the public good. They alledged, that in 
fact, the capital had thus far paid much more attention to its own pe- 
culiar interests, than to the rights of the provinces; that she had gra- 
tified the ambition and avarice of many in the provinces, in order by 
enlisting the human frailties and passions on her side, to sow the 
seeds of discord and disunion in other parts of the confederacy; 
these peraons engaging to repress the sentiments of the people and 
draw thein into a subordination, which accorded only with their in« 
terested views. When these things, said they, are impartially con- 
sidered, how can we draw closer the chords of union under a gov* 
erament like the present; which by its oppressions as well as by its 
favors, weakens that love of country which the federative system 
has a tendency to foster; a system which at the same time that it 
leaves the citizen in the full enjoyment of that portion of liberty 
which the good of society does not require him to surrender, im« 
parts enough for all the purposes of the general safety and happiness. 
But let it not be said, continued they, that there are no republican 
virtues amongst us; to what else is to be attributed the noble resolu- 
tion we have taken and which we have sanctioned by our oaths, to 
die rather than not live free and independent? To what else that, en- 
ergetic and heroic resistance which has given so many days of glory 
to our country? And even if it be admitted that we do not possess 
those virtues, are they to be inculcated by the example of a govern* 
ment which teaches nothing but selfishness and corruption? 

Thus reasoned the opposite parties. With respect to our own 
opinion, we should say, that from the impossibility ot attaining this 
end v.'ithout encountering the evils of anarchy and perhaps civil war, 
on account of the preponderating influence of the capital, it was per- 
haps the wisest course on the part of the provinces to make a sacra* 
fice for the presen., of their obedience, to that unity of action with- 
out which, our ultimate success must be doubtful. It is to be ex- 
pected, that our enemies will labour without ceasing to regain their 
lost domination, and flattered by our dissensions they will be con- 
tinually engaged in forming new projects to enslave us, lured by the 
hope that we shall be able to bring forward but feeble and divided ef- 
forts in support of our liberties. I have thus traced without dissimu- 
lation the melancholy picture of our domestic discords. 

A number of the citizens of Buenos Ay res touched with the 
unfortunate antipathy of the provinces to join heartily in the cause 
of their common country, and fearing that our dissentions would 
form a bridge over which the enemy might pass to reduce us to sub- 
jection, united their wishes and honestly confessing that the balance 
of public opinion inclined to federalism, petitioned the governor in- 
tendant of the province, to strip Buenos Ayres of its prerogative, 
and to place it on the same footing with the other provinces. They 
believed that this measure would put an end to their irritated jeal- 
ousies, that a fraternal feeling would succeed, enabling them to com- 



76 C2] 

plete the edifice, which they had so gloriously begun. In an affair 
of so much importance, the intendant in order to ascertain, with 
accuracy the sentiments of the people, decreed that the petition be 
taken into consideration in a general assembly or Cabildo to be con- 
vened for the purpose, and one was accordingly ordered to meet on 
the 19th of June, 1816. This unexpected event lighted up anew the 
imperfectly extinguished fire of discord. The junta of obvervation, 
although agreeing in opinion with the intendant, as to the propriety 
of taking the sense of the people, were not satisfied that this should 
be done by general suffrage from apprehension of dangerous* and 
tumultious agitations, they thought it would be more advisable to as- 
certain their will through deputies elected for the purpose. This 
contrarity of opinion fractured the state into parties, whose disputes 
were conducted with so much heat and violence, that it was seriously 
feared they would not stop short of an appeal to arm Had this sub- 
ject been considered unmixed with private and personal feelings, it 
would scarcely have given rise to a difference in thinking. 

This contest although suffered to remain in statu quo, left the 
rninds of the parties too much ulcerated to permit them to settle 
down in peace and harmony. It was at the same time so far aggra- 
vated by another dispute, that the junta of observation in concert 
with the Cabildo assuming the tone of authority proceeded to depose 
the directors ad interim. In his place was substituted a gubernato- 
rial commission, composed of Don Francisco Antonio fCscalada and 
Don Mignel Iregogen. 

While these things were taking place, the troops of Buenos 
Ayres, under the command of colonel Don Eustacio Dias Velis,were 
approaching the city of Santa Fee, while at the same time a small 
squadron of vessels under the command of colonel Don Mathias Ire- 
gogen placed it under blockade. The arms of these two cities rivalled 
each other in intrepidity and courage. It would be uncandid to 
conceal the admiration we feel in beholding a small town like Santa 
Fee, without disciplined troops, and with little assistance, causing it- 
self to be respected by its enemy, and under the direction of its chief 
supporting the cause of its independence. It is true the Santafeeinos 
abandoned their city, believing that they carried it along with them, 
wherever they could live free. It was not long before they besieged 
their invaders themselves, and caused them to experience the suffer- 
ings of famine; and by a lucky accident having made themselves mas- 
ters of several of their enemies vessels, together with the commander 
of the squadron, there appeared but little likelihood of their being 
about to succumb to their invadors. 

Two important occurrences which had taken place in the city of 
Tucuman, were of a nature to divert the current of dissention. The 

• Two petitions were presented, one with one hundred and one signatures, the 
other with one hundred and ten. 



[23 



77 



first was tke election of the supreme directorship of colonel Don Juan 
Martin Pueyrredon, but the exigences of the war claimed the first 
attention of the director, the cities of Salta and Jujui being menaced 
by the enemy; this of course delayed his returned to the capital. 

The other was the solemn declaration of our independence made 
by congress on the memorable 9th of July, 1816: six years had elaps- 
ed since that dark period, when we were regarded in no other light 
than as a flock tamely obedient to the will of its owner; in which, we 
quietly looked on, while strangers directed the economy of our 
house, in which our own hands were employed to erect fortresses in- 
tended to enslave us; six years of the most profound and universal 
interest, felt, I might almost say, even by the infant in the mothers 
arms, had awakened a crowd of new ideas throughout all classes of 
society, and inspired a general wish to rise to that condition which 
nature herself seemed to designate. These provinces ashamed of 
having so long delayed to declare this emancipation, raised at last the 
sublime acclaim of liberty. 

It was thought sufficiently probable that those important occur- 
rencies would have quieted the provinces and convinced them of the 
necessity of a well organized whole. Unfortunately this was not the 
case. *'From Cordova," said the director in his manifesto, '*with what 
painful anxiety did I cast my eyes towards the agitated province of 
Buenos Ayres." And not without cause, for in going to enter upon 
his government, he was about to place himself upon the top of a volca- 
nic mountain. It was notwithstanding his good fortune to succeed in 
conauering the antipathies of his most inveterate enemies. Would 
to God he had been equally successful in finding the means of restor- 
ing perfect tranquillity to the state! The wild and ungovernable Orien- 
tals and Santafeecinos, still however persisted in this restless and in- 
considerate course. Over and above the numerous causes waich 
rendered their rupture so calamitous, others followed of a nature to 
render them more lasting. The court of Brazil, about this time, 
raised the mask which had hitherto concealed the perfidious project, 
it had long since formed of taking possession of the delightful coun- 
tries on the eastern side of the river. 

The court of Brazil had already made frequent attempts to ob- 
tain this territory, which for more than a hundred yerrs it had cove- 
ted with so much greediness, but was as often compelled to abandon 
its prey, until our lamentable dessension at last seemed to guarrantee 
the success of an invasion. The director seized this opportunity to 
revive with general Artigas, that ancient friendship, whose combined 
force had on former occasions frustrated the shameful designs of the 
Portuguese. A deputy was despatched to him carrying a supply of 
arms and munitions of war, and requesting him to state with frank- 
ness what were his wants, that these should be the measure of the 
aid to be furnished. But to speak of reconciliation with Artigas, was 
to speak to the desert. His obduracy could neither be softened by 



I' 



78 [2] 

concesssion, nor his pride be humbled by dangers. Although he re-^ 
ceivedthe donations, he heard the proposals with displeasure, prefer- 
ring that history should accuse him of having sacrificed the occasion 
to his private hatred^ his duties to his caprice, and his country to his 
interests. 

With respect to the Santafeecinos, the directors was not more 
actuated by a desire to prevent the disagreeable consequences of this 
city remaining in a state distinct and separate, from all the other 
members of the republic, than anxious to place the forces under 
general Dias Velis in security; with thib view he despatched deputies 
with propositions highly advantageous to them, and which ought to 
have sufficed for the restoration of the ancient harmony and brother- 
hood. Before their arrival at Santa Fee, our army had already 
evacuated ihe place and descended the river. The late invasion was 
by no means calculated to dispose their minds to reconciliation. 
And even if the Santafeecinos had given this proof of their'love of or- 
der, it is probable they would soon have repented of an act which 
would have lessened them in the estimation of their protector, gen- 
eral Artigas; however this may be, the negotiation terminated 
widiout effect. 

The city of Cordova, although with her deputies in congress, 
and submitting to the capital, inclined to the side of the Orientals and 
Santafeecinos; her character would not permit her to abandon the 
last of these in the period of adversity; the dangers which threatened 
her neighbor, served but to draw more closely the ties of amity, and 
which increased in proportion to the risk she encountered. A body 
cf Cordovians to the number of four hundred, under the command 
of Don Juan Pablo Bulnes, hastened as far as the city of Dfl Kosario 
in aid of the Santafeecinos; but finding no enemies, they returned 
home without any material occurrence. 

The expedition of Bulnes was not undertaken with the appro- 
bation of the governor of Cordova, colonel Don Josef Dias; not be- 
c'dUbt this oflicer was not inclined to the side of the Santafeecinos, and 
the cause of federalism, but because it suited the political course he 
had resolved to follow, to give merely a negative consent; or perhaps 
seeing Bulnes at ihe head of a more considerable force than he him- 
self could command, he did not think it prudent to oppose him. Be 
this at it may, it laid the foundation of a reciprocal animosity, as in- 
discreet as badly intended. While Bulnes v/as on his return to Cor- 
dova, Dias was collectuig a force to receive him. lie was fearful that 
liis rival might entertain the intention of deposing him, and placing 
himself at the head of the government. These two bodies were m 
a little while arrayed against each other, and after acting a military 
larce, a few shot fired in the air, Bulnes was left in possession of the 
field of buttle, and entered ihc city in triumph. 

These agitations and disorders were in direct violation of the 
public authority. They proceeded from an active force, supported 



[2] 



79 



by the opinion which was most prevalent; in their consequences they 
were to be dreaded both for the present and the future, as exhibiting 
the most dangerous examples. The rights claimed bj^ the govern- 
ment and the congress were weighed in distinct scales from their 
own. The only remedy which the congress could apply to these 
evils, was in appealing to the good sense of these people. A mani- 
festo was published, breathing in eloquent language the sentiment of 
love of country, lamenting and severely cen&uring the public disorders, 
thundering anathemas against the disturbers of the public repose, and 
exhorting all to obedience and submission to the supreme authority, 
which had only for its object to secure the safety and happiness of the 
republic. As might have been expected, little impression was pro- 
duced by this publication, amongst a people who considered them- 
selves as betrayed, when denied the form of government which they 
preferred. In fact they regarded the manifesto like one of those au- 
tumnal clouds, which lighten much, but bring them no rain. 

A more successful measure was adopted with respect to the pro- 
vince of Cordova, which was the placing its government in the hand 
of Don Antonio Funes, (brother of the author of this sketch,) a na- 
tive and inhabitant of the city of Cordova. This appointment, whe- 
ther considered with a view to the capacity and virtues of the indivi- 
dual, or the prudence of the choice, was worthy of applause. He 
was a citizen who possessed talents by no means vulgar; of a mind 
refmed by application to belles-lettres and elevated by the study of 
the sciences, he v/as regarded as an honor to literature. A man of 
unusual nerve, of a character severe without austerity, more a lover 
of virtue, than of his fortune, than of his family, or of his life. Ex- 
emplary in the fulfillment of his social duties, his house wore the ap- 
pearance of a sanctuaty, to which the unfortunate might resort for 
comfort and protection. From his politics, dark intrigues, cunning 
management, and all perfidious practices were excluded. A noble 
frankness characterised his deportment; detesting artifice, yet prudent 
and cautious in his speech, and in all times a friend of social order. 
Our revolution, on which justice had set her seal, could not fail to 
draw him to its side; he embraced its cause with sincerity and pro- 
pagated it with discretion; but the unsettled state of things which 
succeeded, had induced him to bury himself in a retirement where 
without being exposed to the clashing of contending parties, he might 
pursue the stoical severity of his life, and indulge his passion for li- 
terary pursuits. With a firmness superior to the reverses of fortune, 
he supported without murmuring the *loss of nearly all that he pos- 
sessed, his credits to a great amount, and what was more severe, of 
two promising sons in the flower of youth, when the national congress 
cast its eyes upon him as the most suitable person to oppose the tor- 
rent of disorders of which Cordova had become the theatre. 

* This estimable man happened to possess property to a large amount in Peru, which 
on the breaking out of the revolution was confiscated by the royalists. Traxslator. 



I 



80 [2] 

To a common mind, the situation in which the governor was 
placed, would have presented almost insuperable difficulties. The 
city of Cordova being occupied by Bulnes, his son-in-law, and in the 
very first step he would have to take, it would be necessary that he 
should be armed with a severity which knows no relationship but that 
of reason and the law. In the course of the revolution he had not 
declared himself in favor of any of the forms of government which 
this republic might think proper to adopt. His opinion was in favor 
of that which the will of the nation, solemnly expressed in congress, 
should sanction; and until this could be known, he thought that no 
one without violating the laws of order and just subordination, could 
forcibly resist the established authortities. In opposition to these 
sentiments Bulnes made a show of force before his eyes, and his con- 
duct gave few or no indications of a sense of honor, respect or de- 
ference. The governor prudently concealed his determination, until 
he should be supported by a sufficient force to enable him to carry it 
into effect. It was not long before a body of veteran troops under 
the command of col. Sayos came down from Tucuman to his assis- 
tance. Bulnes had the arrogance to take the field against him, but 
Sayos in the presence of the governor himself, completely routed his 
forces and put him to flight. A common mind would have been 
pleased with a flight, which would have spared the painful conflict be- 
tween the ties of relationship, and the demands of justice. But this 
was a case calculated only to call forth the firmness and energy of the 
new governor. He caused a diligent pursuit to be made, until placed 
in his power, he should be delivered over to all the severity of the 
law. The fortitude required by such occasions allows of no mixture 
of human weakness; and as a celebrated orator has justly said, the 
magistrate who is not a hero, scarcely deserves to be regarded as an 
honest man. The province for the present remained tranquil, and 
the cause of Bulnes was subjected to the legal forms by order of the 
-congress. 

From the volcanic eruptions of the provinces, which about this 
time happily, became less frequent, let us direct our attention to ex- 
terior affairs. The policy of assailing the enemy's commerce, wae 
found to operate as a powerful aid to our cause, and was about this 
time carried on with great success. The enemy's ports in the Paci- 
fic were greatly harrassed by the flotilla under commodore Brown. — 
Nothing could more fully prove the state of subjection to which the 
people were reduced by Spanish tyranny; under its vile domination^ 
it seemed as if all the springs of the mind had been destroyed, and 
instead of national feeling, there existed nothing but sordid personal 
interest. Near the isle of Ormigas, Brown Captured five prizes; he 
dared even to brave the castles of the port of Callao, and to defy the 
Spanish armed ships. He found the port of Guiaquie in a still grea- 
ter state of abandonment; here he entered in triumph, and carried off 
property to the amount of seven hundred thousand dollars. 



[2] 



81 



While the vice roy of Lima was thus harrassed by sea, his ar- 
mies in Peru and Saha, experienced an almost uninterrupted se- 
ries of disasters. Col. Don Manuel Asensio Padilla, sustained with 
much glory the standard of our country against the inhuman Facon» 
The valor and patriotism of this officer had attached to his person a 
considerable number of patriots, into whom he inspired confidence, 
activity and courage. In order to throw some obstacles in the w?y 
of his triumphs, a body of about one thousand men, was ordered to 
march towards Laguana. Here they were expected by Padiila, who 
had entrusted the defence of various posts to his captains, and one of 
them, which may sound somewhat singular to the reader, to the com- 
mand of his wife, a very extraordinary woman Dona Juena Azun- 
duv. The enemy was completely repulsed after having made a furi- 
ous assault, and this heroic female had the satisfaction of presenting 
to her husband, the banner of the enemy, which she had taken with 
her own hands.* Padilla did not go to sleep beneath his laurels; 
without giving time to the enemy to collect his forces, he pursued 
them in every direction, and shut what remained of them in the town 
of Chuquisaca. Scarcely less glorious was the victory of Wanes, 
who destroyed another body of nearly one thousand men command- 
ed by Facon in person. 

The perils of the war in the district of Injui and Salta, drew 
from the inhabitants, proofs of heroism, in support of their indepen* 
dence, equal to what was exhibited in declaring it. General Gue- 
mes, formidable alike for his constancy and valor continually present- 
ed a threatening front to Pescuela, and by his activity deprived him 
of his conquests as fast as they were made. Abandoning Injui 
precipitately, Pescuela encountered losses of considerable moment. 
The Guerillas led by Don Augustin Ribera, Don Diego Calla, Don 
Diego Tallangiani, Don Justo Ganzalis, Don Joseph Miguel Valdi- 
viesa, Don Francisco Guerreros, and Don Francisco Briondo, con- 
tributed much to diminish his credit and the weight of his authority. 

1817. 

These advantages in some measure made amends for the mor- 
tification of seeing the troops of Portugal in the territory of the 
state. From the time it was known that the Prince Regent of Por- 
tugal, had raised the colonies of Brazil to the pre-eminence of me- 
tropolis, it was strongly suspected that he would attempt to aggran- 
dize himself by the occupation of these countries. The powerful 
temptations which had continually attracted the Portuguese towards 
our territories, had almost become one of the fixed principles of their 

* This was the celebrated banner, under which the 'enemy had reconquered La 
Paz, Peru, Arequihaand Cusco, andon which account, it was distinguished by magni- 
ficent embroidery. For this action the lady was rewarded by the state with the com- 
:n:»ission and emolument of lieutenant colonel. 

11 



32 [2] 

policy; it was therefore not surprising that they should profit by aii 
opportunity which seemed the most favorable for the gratification of 
their ambition. But as mere ambition furnishes no justification for 
the invasion of the territory of other nations, the director considered 
it as his duty to remonstrate with general Lecos, commander of the 
Portuguese forces, on the step he was about to take, and to warn him 
of the consequences of the aggression. At the same titne that he 
took this step, he communicated it to general Artigas, and the Ca* 
bildo of Montevideo, requesting that at this moment of common 
danger, which required the combination of all their forces, that their 
differences might be forgotten; and in order to fix upon the princi- 
ples of reconciliation, he deputed with full powers the Mealdes Don 
Juan Jose Durar and Don Juan Giro. In the preliminary conferen- 
ces which took place, the errors of discord and the benefits of har- 
mony between the two countries, were represented in the most ani- 
mated terms; and it was finally agreed that the eastern shore (Banda 
Oriental) should acknowledge the sovereignty of congress, and the 
authority of the supreme director of"the state; that members in pro- 
portion to its population should be sent, and that the government 
should promptly furnish what assistance was necessary for its de« 
fence. 

The joy produced by this event, which inputting an end to the 
unhappy disputes that divided the country, appeared to restore its 
pristine strength and glory, was celebrated with pomp and magnifi- 
cence. At the very moment however, when the people were enga- 
ged in giving vent to their feelings which were excited to a degree 
that might almost be considered immoderate, information was re- 
ceived that the Orientals had refused to ratify the convention^ no 
doubt influenced by their chief, Artigas considering the natural 
tendency of the connexion and dependence of the eastern shore, as 
destructive to the absolute sway which he|had so long been accustom- 
ed to exercise; in his conception the dangers and devastations of a 
war with the Portuguese, were to be preferred to the influence of the 
capital. 

The remonstrance of the supreme director with general Licos 
did not produce the effect on his mind which it merited. This chief 
contented himself with declaring, that in order to place the Portu- 
guese frontier out of danger from the contagion of anarchy which 
threatened it, it had become necessary to take possession of a coun- 
try which in becoming independent had given itself up to every spe- 
cies of disorder and misrule. The futility of this pretext was fully 
exposed by the director in his subsequent official letters, and also by 
the eloquent editor of the ministerial gazette, Don Julian Albanes; 
nothing can be added to the force of their reasonings. Taking it for 
granted, that a sovereign has a right to interfere in the domestic 
quarrels of his neighbors, whenever he may think them of a nature 
to dl turb the tranquillity of his own states, yet it is an undoubted 



[2] 



83 



principle of the law of nations, that he should first make suitahle re* 
presentations to the party offending, before actually resorting to the 
use of force. To occupy a country by force under the mask of peace, 
can only be learned in the school of Machiavel. There is certainly 
some diiferen^e between acting the part of a centinel, to watch for the 
preservation of self, and thus intruding into the country of another 
hospite insalutato^ with no object in reality, but that of conquest. The 
dispute of the Orientals and the capital, was a family quarrel; but a 
quarrel which had not dissolved the ties of the first with the nation. 
These people as well by their own will, as by the constitution of the 
state, were integral parts of American confederation. Common de- 
cency, not less than respect for the laws of nations, would have for- 
bidden this resort to violence, before all the proper measures had been 
taken without effect, to place in a state of security the nation which 
declared itself in danger; otherwise the world would be continually 
exposed to become the prey of the first occupant who could support' 
his cause by force; like the ambitious Portuguese ther« would never 
be wanting a pretext for invasion. 

The management of the war, together with the other important 
cares of government, rendered it desirable, that the congress and the 
directors should be nearer each other in order by their combined 
wisdom to conduct the affairs of the state with greater promptitude 
• and judgment. Its removal to the capital, was, however a step of no 
small danger, The sound of discord was still heard like the hollow 
murmuring of the waters after the tempest has subsided. It was much 
to be feared, in the agitations which might ensue that this national 
assembly, which was considered by many of the friends of order as 
the last resort, would, like the similar attempts formerly made, prove 
abortitive. Besides this, the provinces were desirous that the con- 
gress should hold its sessions at a distance from the capital, in order, 
that being free from undue influence, and the fear which bayonets 
might cause, they would be able'to pursue their course with the more 
perfect freedom. After much discussion, and important reasons 
urged on both sides of the question, they finally yielded to the solici- 
tation of the directors who strongly urged their removal to the cap- 
ital; and accordingly carried the resolution into effect in the midst of 
new commotions and disturbances. 

One of them had its origin in the audacioiis mind of an inhabit- 
ant of Santiago de Lestera, named Don Francisco Borges. This in- 
discreet man had been engaged for some time in secretly exciting the 
minds of those who entertained an aversion to the constituted author- 
ities. His intrigues engaged on his side, not a few of his fellow citi- 
zens, who together with others in the neighboring towns, raised the 
standard of rebellion under his command. A corps of veteran troops 
was immediately despatched against them from Tucuman. Borges, 
more skilled in forming factions than in profiting by them when 

I formed, was unable to maintain his ground; beaten, pursued, andtak- 



84 [2] 

The governor of Cordova, although possessing more prudence 
and foresight than his predecessor, was unable to provide against a 
conspiracy which surprised him in his own house, Bulnesfrom his 
prison colleaguing with some of those wretches who are every where 
to be found in an unsettled state of society, was enabled through 
this means to corrupt the garrison, and not satisfied with obtaining 
his release, he assailed the house of the govern, whom he seized and 
placed in confinement, together with militrry commandant Sayos. 

The chief of this plot was not possessed of sufficient talents to 
direct any important object, nor had the soldiers whom he had cor- 
rupted, a sufficient interest lo serve him. These were, with few or 
no exceptions, veteran Spanish troops, who had deserted to us, and 
who had been placed under the command of an European, named 
Quintana, but who would willingly sell themselves to whoever offer- 
ed most. Bulnes was deposed, and in his stead was chosen, a cer- 
tain Urtubei, a person in whom the conspirators fancied they could 
repose their confidence with greater safety. The situation of the 
conspirators was critical; they knew that their indecent and dishon- 
orable conduct was detested by the inhabitants of Cordova, and that 
their force was inadequate to sustain them; they therefore justly fear- 
ed the punishment which the congress and the director would inflict 
upon their crimes. In this embarrassment, they fell upon the plan of 
compelling Don Juan Andres de Pueyrredon, brother ol the director, 
to accept the office of governor of the province, in an |open Cabildo, 
or assembly, composed chiefly of the factious. It was not long, be- 
fore all those who were openly concerned in this disgraceful busi- 
ness, were obliged to beg an asylum in Santa Fee, to which place 
they retreated. Colonel Sayos, who, with his oflicers, was ordered 
to be conducted to some remote place, contrived to gain over the 
guard to his side, at the end of a few days' march. At this moment, 
he was accidentally joined by governor Fumes, who, by the permis- 
sion of Bulnes, was on his way to Buenos Ay res. They immediate- 
ly set about collecting a force, for the purpose of returning to put 
down the insurrection. This consisted, however, of very indifferent 
militia, upon which little or no dependence could be placed. Not- 
w^ithstandmg this, and the obstacles thrown in the way, by a handful 
of vicious, unprincipled men, the governor succeeded in reestablish- 
ing order, and in entering upon ihe duties of his office. 

The chief of the insurrection was arrested, and sent to Buenos 
Ayres, where, together with several of the European soldiers, he 
was tried, condemned, and executed. 

These discords in the east, the west, and the north, contributed 
chiefly to flatter the hopes of our enemies, and encouraged thsm to 
form new plans for our subjugation. Ten thousand Portuguese, un- 
der the command of general Lecor, in three divisions, were marched 
into the territory of the eastern shore. The first, consisted of five 
thousand men, under his immediate command, who directed his 
march by the way of Santa Teresa; the second, imder the command 



[2] 



as 



of general Silviera, consisting of sixteen hundred, by the way of Ser- 
no Largo; the third, which formed the right of the enemy, under Cu- 
rau, proceeded towards the town newly founded by Artigas, in the 
vicinity of the Uruguay. It was utterly impossible for the general 
to oppose this torrent. Although the Orientals were gifted with 
great strength of body and intrepidity of mind, yet neither their num- 
bers, the nature of their arms, their discipline, nor their subordina- 
tion, could enable them openly to take the field against invaders, in 
these respects, so much superior. This superiority very soon mani- 
fested itself. General Pinto, with nine hundred men, advanced as 
far as India Muerta, where he was attacked by general Ribera, with 
eleven hundred; and although he sustained a vigorous fight, he was 
compelled to retire with less than one half his division; possessing, 
however, that coolness which characterises the brave, in critical situ- 
ations, he did not neglect to detach a part of his force to watch the 
operations of the enemy. Soon after this, a detachment, consisting 
of a hundred men, fell in with an equal number of Portuguese, who 
had marched out of Maldonado; stung by shame, and roused to des- 
peration by the disgrace of the last affair, they rushed with irresisti- 
ble fury upon their enemies, who were literally cut to pieces. 

General Forguese was opposed to general Silviera, at the head 
of eight hundred men, but was more distinguished for stratagem 
and astuteness, than enterprise. It was of great importance to 
impede the march of Silviera, whose object was to form a junc- 
tion with Lecor. Ribera having united his force to that of For- 
guese, they determined to attack, but through some unaccountable 
accident, the former retreated to Rio Negro. The Portuguese army, 
although continually harrassed by Ribera, reached the Barra de Ca- 
supa, at Santa Lucia La Grande. Ribera did not despair of being 
able to defeat the enemy; but considering the smallaess of his force, 
he besought the town of Monte Video, to send the delegate, Barcino, 
with a reinforcement of four hundred men; the only force that could 

be spared, was the corps of Libertos, commanded by colonel B ; 

but from a spirit of rivalry, ill becoming the times, this officer was un- 
willing to serve under Ribera; this reinforcement being thus denied, 
general Silviera effected a junction with general Lecor; after which 
they proceeded to the capture of Monte Video, on the 19th of Janua- 
ry, 1817. Barcino having abandoned it in much disorder. 

The fortune which had formerly attended the Orientals, was 
now reversed. They fled the presence of those whom they had been 
before accustomed to repel, or, if they showed resolution, it usually 
degenerated into rashness. The right wing of the Portuguese army, 
commanded by Curau, directed its march towards the place, at which 
the chief of the Orientals was stationed, and arrived at the Arrayo de 
los Catalanos. This frontier was defended by general La Torre, 
with three thousand men. Full of an arrogant confidence, which did 
not permit him to calculate the risk, he determined on attacking the 



I' 



I 

I 



86 [2] 

enemy. Mondragor, who commanded the cavalry, with more pru- 
dence, remonstrated against this step; alledging, that having had the 
good fortune to deprive the enemy of his horses, oxen, and carts, 
these ought first to be secured, before exposing himself anew to the 
chance of battle, which, considering the present situation of the Por- 
tuguese, must be extremely doubtful. La Torre, either not convinced 
by this leasoning, or despising it, exercised his authority, and impru- 
dently fell upon the enemy with his whole force- The action was 
obstinate and bloody, but terminated in the most disastrous manner; 
general Artigas occupied a position, some distance in the rear, with 
a small corps of one hundred men. The consequence of this unfor- 
tunate afiair, reached even his encampment; here he was surprised by 
four hundred men, and was only enabled to escape with the assist- 
ance of Charua Indian, but with the loss of all his baggage. 

In the midst of the progress of Lecor, he found himself all at 
once shut up in Monte Video suffering hunger, and all the privations of 
a siege: his situation becoming intolerable, he marched with two 
thousand men in search of cattle and other provisions. The indefa- 
tigable Ribera, who closely watched his movements, prepared an 
ambuscade with much sagacity at the pass of San Lucia, and causing 
no small loss to the enemy, attained his object for the moment. Le- 
cor was not compelled however to abandon his enterprise, but pro- 
ceeded as far as the pass of Pinto where he was again attacked by 
Ribera, and experienced a loss of two hundred men. These advan- 
tages were of too partial a «ature to enable the Orientals to derive 
hopes from them in the face of an enemy so powerful. They con- 
tributed chiefly to raise the reputation of Ribera. 

The cry now became universal on the part of the Orientals, and 
even of their chiefs, for a re-establishment of their union with Buenos 
Vyres, as the only means of finding shelter from the desolating tempest. 
In virtue of this state of mind a communication was opened with the 
director, who at once met so desirable a proposition, and immedi- 
ately sent a supply of arras and munitions of war by way of Colonia.— 
Although Ribera had given his consent to the union, he stipulated to 
wididraw it, in case it should not meet the approbation of Artegas. — ■ 
For this purpose he communicated the stipulation he had entered into, 
in his absence to that chief. To Artegas it was of little importance, 
to such an event would be advantageous to the republic, he saw in it 
nothing but a diminution of his own consequence and power. In or- 
der to prevent the discontent which his refusal might produce, at the 
same time, that with one hundred men, he went dawn to dissuade 
Ribera, he caused his partizans to circulate the most scandalous abuse 
of the capital and its intentions; proclaiming that a union with the cap- 
ital would be a union with perfidy and robbery, and that it would be ex- 
changing their liberty for a shameful and attrocious servitude. These 
odious imputations could not fail of producing an effect upon the sim- 
ple welUmeaning people,who reposed implicit confidence in Artegas, 



[21 



87 



aa well as in the minds of those who had on former occasions been ill 
treated by the government of Buenos Ayres, of which number was 
Ribera. The party in favor of union was, however, too strong to be ea- 
sily dissuaded from its purpose. In fact Barcinos Bansa, col. of the 
liibertos, Ranios commander of the artillery, a body of chasseurs, and 
some corps of militia under he command of Don Tames Garcia,having 
elected the latter as their commander entered into articles of union 
with Buenos Ayres. Ribera offended with an act which was very little 
short of a revolt against him, by a part of the troops under his com- 
mand, hastened with three hundred chosen men, to call them to an ac- 
count for this procedure. After some warm altercation Garcia beingthe 
strongest, remained with the command, and Ribera sending a copy of 
the offensive articles to Artegas, called for a detachment of five hun- 
dred men for the purpose of attacking his opponents. It was well 
known that Artegas would destroy without mercy, those who set 
about diminishing his authority. In truth this man taking counsel 
only from his ambition, and from a mischievous Franciscan Friar, 
who for a long time had swayed him, resolved to comply with the re» 
quest of Ribera, with all possible expedition. General Forges, one 
of the most ffepute among the Orientals, opposed with energy a mea- 
sure which was about to awaken the horrors of civil war, and declar- 
ed for a union with the capital. Of the five hundred, only fifty were 
d'fspatched to Colonia, under the pretext of defending this place, 
which was threatened by a Portuguese flotilla, but with the real in- 
tention of uniting with Ribera, and to make war upon those who 
should be in favor of the union. The party of Artegas prevailed. 
The director had hoped that the Orientals won over by his friendly 
conduct, would lower their pretensions, but his patience was wearied 
out by so much obstinacy. 

While these clouds obscured the east, the west appeared more 
serene; the governors of Cuyo, colonel Don Jose de San Martin, a 
man bold enough to conceive great designs, sufficiently a lover of 
glory to devote himself to them, and not wanting good fortune in 
their execution, had for some time past meditated in silence the re- 
conquest of Chili, This country had been completely subdued by 
the Spaniards; more than one hundred of the most influential people 
had been banished to the island of Juan Fernandez, the inhabitants 
completely disarmed and held under the most rigid subjection; their 
secret wishes, however, as naay be readily supposed, were in favor of 
independence, and San Martin had every reason to believe that if he 
could cross the mountains with a respectable army, he would have 
none but the Spaniards to c®ntend with, and would find the people, 
as far as was in their power, disposed to co-operate with him. The 
situatioMof the United Provinces, continually threatened from Chili 
and Peru, plainly pointed out the immense importance of expelling 
the Spaniards from the former, by which means, they would at the 
same timcj strike the severest blow to their enemy, and gain a pow-^' 



' 88 [2] 

crful ally; a sense of duty also called upon them to assist their bre- 
;' thren, those who on a former occasion, when Buenos Ayres was 

I' threatened by the Spanish general Elio, had contributed both men 

h and money to her assistance. But the chief difficulty lay in procuring 

r the means of raising such an a? my as would be adequate to the en- 

terprise. The state notwithstanding its recent declaration of inde- 
,_ pendence, was at no time since the commencement of the war in a 

condition so deplorable; it might almost be said to be drifting at the 
mercy of the winds and waves. The province of Cuyo, at the first 
glance seemed to promise less; its soil but indifferent, its population 
small, its products of late much reduced in value, and as the fron- 
tier, continually exposed to the invasion of the Spaniards. But San 
Martin possessed the talent of winning the hearts of those with 
whom he was connected, of awaking the higher passions, and of en- 
listing them not by halves, but entirely in his plans. He had pos- 
sessed himself so completely of the affections of the people of Cuyo, 
#. that they placed without reserve every thing they had at his disposal. 

|\ They freely yielded up their male slaves to the number of six hun- 

dred, they furnished three thousand horses, ten thousand mules, and 
contributed their personal services for the construction*of quarters, 
encampments, armories, and in conducting troops and munitions 
from Buenos Ayres. Much of this is doubtless to be attributed to 
the moderation and self denial, both in public and private life of the 
chief who commanded, the best security for the confidence of the 
people; but it is likewise to be attributed to a cause which does 
much honor to the province, to wit: its uniform patriotism and good 
conduct. Correct morals are most conducive to love of country, and 
love of country is not less conducive to good morals. Had they 
been less pure, this patriotism would have been less, and less also 
would have been the influence of San Martin. After a twelve month 
spent in collecting, organizing and disciplining his army, which at 
the same time afforded Marco an opportunity of making the neces- 
sary preparations to oppose him, San Martin put in execution his 
daring attempt to cross the Andes. The mere idea of such an 
undertaking is enough to strike the mind with astonishment, as 
amounting almost to a violation of the laws of nature. We can 
form but a faint idea of this enterprise, when v/e consider that the 
mountains to be crossed for one hundred leagues are the highest on 
the globe, with defiles so narrow as not to admit two persons abreast 
along the guidy urge of frightful gulfs, while the severity of the 
climate seemed to contend with the ruggedness of the passage; ad« 
dcd to these the difficulty of transporting artillery, at the same time 
embarrassed with the baggage and provisions for thirty days, and 
after all trusting to the uncertain chances of success, after the termi- 
nation of these labors and fatigues; in truth v/hen every thing is con- 
sidered fairly, this achievement may justly rank with the most cele- 
brated of those recorded in history, Ir fhi teen days the army ef* 



[2] 



8$ 



fected its passage with the loss of about five thousand horses and 
mules, and of a small number of men, chiefly blacks, who were una- 
ble to stand the cold. After some slight skirmishes, the army took 
up its position at Acoracogua. 

The passage of the mountains was, in itself, an achievement of 
a nature to give assurances of the result. The heroic army which 
had vanquished the Andes, fighting under the banners of liberty and 
the country, could no more be resisted than a torrent of the moun- 
tains. The splendid triumph of Chacabuco, which took place soon 
after, raised San Martin to the pinnacle of glory, and gave a new as- 
pect to the affairs of South America. " In twenty four days,'' said 
the general, *' we have terminated the campaign; we have crossed the 
most elevated mountains of the globe, put an end to the sway of ty- 
rants, and given liberty to Chili." The president Marco was taken 
prisoner and the remains of his forces took refuge in the fortress of 
Talcaguana. A junta of the Chilians was convened at Santiago; 
through gratitude to San Martin, they offered to invest him with the 
directorship, which he declined; they then elected Don Bernando 
G'Higgins, The Chilians afterwards sought by various modes to 
express their gratitude to the general of the Jlndes, by which name 
San Martin, by a kind of involuntary concurrence, was now distin- 
guished; but considering these offers as incompatible with the notions 
of greatness which he entertained, they were positively declined. It 
would be improper not to mention the restoration of the banished 
Chilians to their families, which was almost the first act of the go- 
vernment. San Martin returned to Buenos Ayres, to receive new or- 
ders and to concert new plans with the government, all eyes being 
now turned towards Peru, as the quarter in which their long looked 
for peace and liberty would be sealed. On approaching Mendoza, 
the capital of Cuyo, he was met by its inhabitants, the youth strew- 
ing roses in the road, and all demonstrating the most heartfelt expres- 
sions of regard; the inhabitants of Buenos Ayres were equally 
desirous of shewing every mark of veneration for this hero, but San 
Martin being apprised of their preparations, stole into the town un- 
observed. Some are disposed to condemn what appears to them an 
affected squeamishness, and false delicacy, in thus declining honors, 
which are known in general to be grateful to the human heart; but 
for this very reason, in my opinion, it is great and noble to decline or 
despise them. 

The cause of the state, in Peru, when conducted by the virtues, 
experience, and abilities of Belgrano, who, on his return from his im- 
portant mission to Europe had once more assumed the command, 
was again seen to revive. In the rencontres already related we have 
seen that victory had also returned to our side. General Serna^ who 
succeeded Pescuela, was not possessed of the abilities of bis prede- 
cessor; although the celebrated leaders Padilla and Merceces were 
killed, Warnes, and Ganderilla and Fernandez supported the cause of 

12 



90 [23 

their country. By these the sanguinary Facon was pushed to the 
very verge of the precipice; but this victim was reserved for another 
hand; a ray of lightning sent from Heaven, put an end to his days 
and his cruelties. His army was reduced almost to nothing. 

General Serna discovered only a vain and arrogant confidence 
in his own powers. He had scarcely assumed the command, when 
he conceived the design of attempting the reconquest of Salta and In- 
jui and even of Tucuman. The history of his predecessor ought to 
have opened his eyes. These places had proved the sepulchres of the 
Spaniards, and he might cause them to be so again. These admoni- 
tions were disregarded by Serna, who, more haughty than the knight 
of La Mancha entered Injui at the head of an army of upwards of 
two thousand men. Governor Guemes rendered the possession of 
the place little better than a trap for his destruction. He and his 
brave countrymen invested him so closely, that he soon began to re« 
pent of his folly. His forces were incessantly harrassed by a great 
number of guerrillas, and much reduced by the actions of San Pe- 
drita, Huniaquaca, 'i'arija el Barrada, and others. From the desert- 
ers, who were continually coming over with misery painted in their 
countenances, it appeared, that they were perishing of famine in their 

trenches. Guemes, with his brave officers, Roxas A -, Tarenos, 

La Madrid, Cardad, &c. compelled Serna to retire at last with great 
loss, and to renounce his designs upon the cities before mentioned. 
These flattering occurrences v/ere only interrupted by the lamentable 
revalry of the Orientals with the capital. Although Artigas, by means 
of his chiefs, succeeded in gaining over the greatest part of those 
whom his conduct had alienated, there were still many who remained 
firm in their resolution of a separation from his authority, a conduct 
which they considered necessary to the safety of the republic. Of 
these, not a few were of the province of Entre Rios, by their chiefs 
Erenu and Samanuego, who lowering their tone acknowledged that 
they had been wrong, and sought the friendship of the director. A 
circumstance w^hich might possibly lead to the overthrow of an ambi- 
tions man, and assure the liberty of the country was not to be despis- 
ed. Resentment for personal insult might also perhaps have had its 
influence with the director; he had just received from Astigas, a let- 
ter couched in the most declamatory and abusive language; accusing 
him of paying no regard to his offers by letter, of sending deputies to 
the union, charging him with connivance at the supplies furnished 
the Portuguese, with being in their interest, and threatening to pur- 
sue him even into the capital itself. 

1818. 

The director with a view of securing the Baxada de Santa Fee^ 
which commands the interior country of Buenos Ayres, and at the 
Bame time of furnishing assistance to the inhabitants of Entre Rios* 



[2] 



81 



despatched a body of troops under Montes de Oca, These were fu« 
riously attacked by a detachment from Artigas, and completely de- 
feated. This unfavorable occurrence did not deter the director from 
his design; he despatched Col. Marcos Balcarce with reinforcements 
to take the field anew. The Orientals inflamed by that rage which 
characterizes civil wars, and the more on this occasion, as they re- 
garded themselves as ungenerously attacked by their countrymen, at 
the moment they were fighting the enemies of the republic, with an 
impetuosity bordering on desperation, fell upon the army of Balcarce, 
and after a short but brave resistance on the part of the latter, victory 
declared itself for the Orientals. Let us deeply lament the fatal pol- 
icy, or necessity of delaying with our own hands the progress of 
events, by which we are to gain our independence, and turning upon 
one another, those arms, which ought to be reserved only for our 
common enemies. 

About the same time news of a much more serious nature, reach- 
ed the capital and produced the most painful sensations. While 
San Martin and O'Higgins were endeavoring to reduce the last 
stronghold of the Spaniards in Chili, the fortress of Talcaguana, the 
vice roy of Lima, with all possible despatch, threw fifteen hundred 
men into that place, which, in point of strength may be compared to 
Gibraltar. The army of Chili, under the command of San Martin, 
was increased to nearly double its number by the new levies among 
the Chilians; but time was requisite to train and discipline them. 
O'Higgins took possession of the town of Conception, of which Tal- 
caguana is the seaport. Here, a great part of the summer v/as pass- 
ed away in skirmishes, in which the enemy were generally worsted. 
San Martin was, however, occupied in designs of greater magnitude^ 
he was unremittingly engaged in preparing to strike the same blow 
in Peru, which had so successfully paralized the power of Spain in 
Chili. The want of transports was the principal cause of delay, as a 
march through the desert of Atacama would be impracticable. The 
vice roy dreading the enterprise of San Martin, and knowing the 
materials by which he was himself surrounded, conceived it most 
prudent to risk the fate of Peru in Chili. Accordingly after an ef- 
fort, which in the present fallen state of the Spanish power, might be 
considered great, he collected about five thousand men, which were 
hastily embarked for Talcaguana under Osorio, leaving Peru entirely 
defenceless. Osorio had scarcely reached that place, when he com- 
menced preparations for proceeding directly to the capital of Chili; 
he calculated with confidence on the superiority of his troops over 
those, whom experience had not yet taught him to respect; he also 
flattered himself with being able to overtake the army of O'Higgins, 
before he could form a junction with San Martin. Osorio taking with 
him nearly all the garrison of Talcaguana, together with two thous- 
and of the natives of Chili, marched rapidly through the province of 
Conception with an army of nearly eight thousand men. Before hf 



9S 



[21 



passed i\ie Maule, the patriot army had already formed a junction, 
and consisted of an equal number of regulars, besides considerable 
bodies of the militia of the country. In a few days it was completely 
organized and consolidated; but so large a body of men, when col- 
lected, soon began to experience considerable wants. The capital of 
Chili confidently trusted to the abilities and valor of San Martin, 
while the circumstance of the wants of his army, when made known 
to them, afforded an opportunity of displaying a magnanimity which ^ 
we have unjustly supposed to have been buried beneath the ruins of 
Greece and Rome. San Martin announced that his army was ready 
to take; the field against the enemies of the country, and that all were 
willing to sacrafice their lives in its defence, but that it was in want 
of bread and other supplies. The effect which this intimation pro- 
duced in the noble minded people of Chili, is best displayed in the 
reply which they made through the different officers of the munici* 
palty and corporations. 

" Your excellency," said they, " has just informed us that our 
brethren in the field of battle, are in hourly expectation of being called 
upon to shed their blood and sacrifice their lives for our preservation. 
Your excellency recalls to our recollection, the sad image of Chili, 
laid waste for two years and an half, with an atrocity truly Spanish; and 
if our children, our fathers, and our wives, who (terrified at the chains 
and gibbets preparing for them by the monsters that have reached the 
plains of Talca) turn their tearful ey^es towards the brave that, on 
the banks of Tangeuca, have sworn to perish sooner than behold 
their desolation. But your excellency, at the same time, intimates to 
us that these brave men are iu want of bread and other supplies, in 
order to sustain the ? irorous arras destined to exterminate our enemy, 
and that the public fund having been exhausted, there scarcely re- 
mained a sufficiency for the hospital, where the wounds received in 
our defence are to be healed." '' And what does your excellency 
expect will be the reply of the Chilians to a representation so mourn- 
ful and alFectin?;? That all our. fortunes, without reserve, belong to 
our countrij- That from this moment we request, that your excellency 
will be pleased to accept the spontaneous offer of whatever silver we 
have in our possession, together with the vow which we make before 
our country and universe, that so long as the v;ar shall last, and the 
wants of Chili may require it, there shall not be seen a single article 
of plate in our houses." 

" The people of Chili are unwilling that the silver of the church- 
es should be touched, until that which belongs to individuals shall be 
entirely exhausted, v»re shall then humbly say before the Supreme 
Being, To pretierve the precious gifts of hfi mid liberty ^ which those 
bestowed upon us^ we present ourseives nakedy to implore thy protections 
while we endeavor to support thy ordinances with the aid of those thifigs 
which we had set apart to adorn thy tvorship; our vows and ardent 



[2] 



93 



adoration shall henceforth be the most pure and becoming homage we 
can offer Thee?^ 

*' In the mean while, will your excellency be pleased to accept 
the offer on the part of the secular and regular clergy, of whatever 
articles of plate belonging to them in particular, and which do not ap^. 
pertain to the ceremonies of religion, and whatever belongs to the ma- 
gistrates and corporate bodies, which we offer in our name and inth« 
name of the people of Santiago." ^ 

'* Your excellency will therefore be pleased to accept these of- 
ferings, and to inform our brethren that they may rely on the utmost 
exertions of our gratitude." 

This unexpected but sublime display of gratitude, was replied to 
by the director in a suitable manner; accepting their offer, he declar* 
ed himself unable to find expressions sufficiently strong to do justice 
to the magnanimity of their conduct; butfor the purpose of commem- 
orating so glorious an action, he ordered the following inscriptions to 
be engraven on the two columns which adorn the eastern and western 
entrances of the city: 

" On the 5th of Marck^ 1818, the people of Santiago^ voluntarily 
stripped themselves of all their plate and utensils of silver^ protesting 
that they would acquire no others 9 until their country shall be out of 
danger,*^ 

*' J\'*attons of the universe! Strangers who enter Chiliy say wheth^ 
er such a people deserve to be slaves,''^ 

The patriot army lost no time after its junction, in marching to 
meet the enemy. The army of Osores had already passed Talca; it 
was not long before a continual skirmishing took place between the 
invaders and the patriots. These were kept up for several days, un- 
til the nineteenth, when an affair of some importance took place be- 
tween the advanced corps under O'Higgins, and a part of the Spanish 
army, in which the latter was compelled to fall back with considera- 
ble loss, being pursued into the very streets of Talca. The whole 
Spanish force had been compelled to fall back upon its steps. Osores 
now discovered that his contempt of San Martin's army had led him 
into error: it was so much superior to his, particularly in cavalry, 
that the chances of success^would be decidedly against him; knowing 
that in all probability San Martin would attack him the next morning 
with his whole force, and that if defeated, with a large river and nu- 
merous bodiesofmdit'iain his rear, retreat would be no longer possible. 
In this critical situation, by the advance of general Ordines,he deter- 
mined to select two thousand of his best troops, and try the fortune of 
a night attack, which, if successful, would enable him to retire with- 
out fear of pursuit. The principal part of the army had in the even- 
ing, halted within a short distance of Talca; the remainder of the 
infantry having arrived, and the ground being reconnoitered, orders 
were given about nine o'clock, for each division to occupy the posi- 
tion assigned to it. The right wing had already been posted, and the 



94 [2] 

left was also in motion, when the enemy rushed upon them in the 
most furious and unexpected manner; the baggage and artillery were 
first thrown into confusion, which was soon cbmmunicated to the 
troops on their march; these, after a short resistance, broke and dis- 
persed in every direction, in spite of the exertions of their leaders. 
The director of Chili, who commanded in person, was severely 
wounded in the arm, in his efforts to rally them. The right, however, 
under the immediate commarii of that excellent officer, colonel Las 
Heras, retired in good order, and together with some other bodies, 
collected by the exertions of San Martin and his j officers, continued 
the contest for some time, but were compelled at last to give wsly.^- 
The next morning presented a spectacle truly melancholy; an army, 
of which the day before our country might justly have been proud; 
the best appointed that had ever taken the field on the side of inde- 
pendence in South America, stripped of its artillery and baggage, 
and more than one half dispersed, and this without having been 
beaten. 

San Martin conducted the fragments of his army to the narrow 
pass of Angulemu, which lies on the route to Santiago, and which 
the enemy could not avoid without making a |very considerable cir- 
cuit. Here he remained in the most painful situation, deprived of 
his baggage, and his men in want of every thing. In the mean time 
the stragglers, dispersed through the vallies of Chili, spread the 
most disheartning accounts among the inhabitants, and so complete 
was supposed to have been the defeat of San Martin, that the parti- 
zans of Spain, wherever any of them happened to be, could scarcely 
refrain from openly declaring themselves. San Martin, with the di- 
rector, whose presence was required in the capital, made it a hasty 
visit for the purpose of inspiring confidence in the people, and of 
procuring the means of recomposing his army. He now judged it' 
most prudent to fall back upon the capital, where his army could be 
recruited with greater celerity, and intending in case of defeat to re- 
tire into the city, which the director was actively engaged in 
placing in a state of defence. The army under the creative hand of 
!San Martin, with a celerity almost incredible, in the course of a 
few days, and after a march of eighty leagues, once more pre- 
sented a formidable front on the plains of Maipu, The most ani- 
mated proclamations were circulated through the country by him, 
and the director; hope was seen to revive and the patriot army was 
animated by a desparation gathered even from its late disgrace. The 
news of this lamentable occurrence arriving at the same time with 
that of the misfortunes of the eastern shore, cast a gloomy shade 
over Buenos Ayres. The most melancholy anticipations filled the 
breast of every American, while the Spaniards among us discov- 
f^red their joy, on some occasions, with very little dircretion. 
Our apprehensions induced us to believe, that the affairs of Chjli 
were still worse than the government had been willing to cqiiI' 



[2] 



9S 



1 



aiunicate; the viery importance of the contest in that country^ 
was enough to produce doubts in the minds of the most sanguine. 
Osorio finding the success of his attack to have so far exceeded 
his expectations, determined tt) follow up his blows, but having him- 
self experienced a considerable loss, he was somewhat retarded ia 
(Setting off: his march was notwithstancing rapid, having approach- 
ed the Maipu in twelve days after the dispersion of the patriot army. 
On the third and fourth of April, there were frequent skirmishes, 
and early in the morning of the fifth the two armies came in sight of 
each other; the body of the Spanish forces having crossed the Mai- 
pu, The whole morning was passed in manoeuvering; each chief 
in vain endeavored to gain some advantage over his opponent. San 
Martin rode incessantly along his lines, addressing each individual 
corps, and infusing into them his own feelings, while the patriotic 
songs and marches resounded through the army. Seeing at last, 
that there was no probability of his being attacked that day, by the 
Spaniards, and finding his men roused to the highest pitch of enthu- 
siasm, he gave orders to advance. With the exception of a small 
height, which the enemy had occupied with some pieces of artillery^ 
the ground was nearly level, and well adopted to military manoevres. 
The infantry was placed under the command of general Balcarce, 
colonel Las Heras on the right wing, and colonel Alvarado on the 
left; the artillery and cavalry posted on each wing, and a strong re- 
serve in the rear, under colonel Quintana, In this order, the army 
moved towards the enemy, who opened a dreadful fire from his 
infantry, and from several pieces of artillery posted on the small ele- 
vation before mentioned, but without arresting its progress; a body 
of the enemy's cavalry charged at the same time, but were driven 
back by those of the country, who pursued them even under their 
guns. The action now became general and bloody; our line, at last, 
appeared to vaccillate, but at this moment the reserve being ordered 
up, the whole returned to the charge, and with an irresistible 
impetus carried every thing before them. The resistance of the ene- 
my was however, so obstinate, that they had to be literally pushed 
from the ground with the bayonet. The regiment of Burgos com- 
posed of the best troops of Spain, and twelve hundred strong was 
not broken until after repeated charges, which San Martin is said 
to have led in person. The remnant of the enemy's force then 
threw themselves into some narrow lanes, made by walls, and 
under their shelter commenced the contest anew, but were at 
length entirely overcome. This action lasted from noon until six 
o'clock in the evening, and was contested on either side with a 
courage and firmness worthy of the great prize which was at 
stake; not merely the independence of Chili, but perhaps of South 
America. The history of wars furnish us with few instances of 
a victory more complete; the whole Spanish army was annihilat; 
ed; artillery^ military chest, every thing belonging to it, fell into 



96 C2] 

the hands of San Martin. Its chief alone fled with some horse- 
men, when he saw that the day was lost, Ordonez, the second 
in command, one hundred and ninety-eight officers, three thousand 
rank and file surrendered their arms, and two thousand of their dead 
covered the field of batde. The loss of the country did not exceed 
one thousand in killed and wounded The capital from its extreme 
depression was now elevated to the highest pitch of joy. The streets 
before silent and fearful, were suddenly filled by the inhabitants, 
like the blood, which after some moments of deep suspence, and anx- 
ious fear, rushes again from the heart to tht extremeties of the body. 
The scene which ensued, can only be conceived by those who have 
witnessed the sublime effusions of popular feeling, when each thinks 
his own happiness that of his posterity, his friends, and his coun- 
try are entirely involved. There was a general and almost univer- 
sal exclamation, "At last we are independentI" while San Mar» 
tin was hailed as the genius oS the revolution. 



C2] 



97 



B. 

Manifesto directed to all nations by the General Constituent Congress of 
the United Provinces ofUio de la Vlaia, 

Honorable fame is the jewel which mortals prize above exis* 
tence itself, and which it is their duty to defend above every earthly 
good, however great and valuable. The government of Spain has 
accused the United Provinces of Rio de la Plata, before the nations 
of the world, of perfidy and rebellion, and has denounced as per- 
fidious and rebellious, the memorable declaration of independence of 
the 9th of July, 1816, by the national congress of Tucuman; imput- 
ing to them ideas of anarchy, and intentions of introducing sedicious 
principles into other countries, at the very moment of soliciting the 
friendship of those countries, and iheir recognition of this declara- 
tion, that they may assume a place among the nations of the earth. 
The first among the most sacred duties of the national congress is to 
do away so foul an imputation, and to justify the cause of our country, 
by publishing to the world the motives, and the cruelties which con^ 
curred to impel to the declaration of independence. This is not a 
submission which concedes to any one the right to dispose of a condi- 
tion purchased by America with torrents of blood, and every species 
of sacrifice, and endurance. It is a duty of imperious obligation 
which it owes to its wounded honor, and to the respect due to other 
nations 

We shall wave all discussion with respect to the right of con- 
quest, of papal grants, of other titles by which the Spaniards have sup- 
ported their domination; it is unnecessary for us to recur to principles 
which may give rise to theoretic disputes, or to questions which have 
found advocates. We appeal to facts, forming a lamentable contrast 
between the sufferings endured by us, and the tyranny of the Span- 
iards. We shall expose to view the frightful abyss, into which these 
provinces v/ere about to be precipitated, had not the wall of their 
emancipation been interposed. We shall give reasons, the sound- 
ness of which no rational being can question, unless it be his aim to 
persuade a nation to renounce far ever all idea of felicity, and adopt 
for its system ruin, opprobrium, and shameful acquiescense. We 
shall exhibit this picture to the world, that no one may contemplate 
it, without being deeply affected with the same feelings that belong 
to ourselves. 

From the moment the Spaniards took possession of these coun- 
tries they thought only of securing their power, of exterminating, 
and degrading. Their systems of devastation were immediately set 
on foot, and were continued without intermission for three hundred 



98 [2] 

years. They began by assassinating the Incas of Peru, and they af- 
terwards practiced the same upon the other chiefs who fell into their 
power The inhabitants of the country, attempting to repel these 
ferocious invaders, become victims to fire, and sword, by reason of 
the inferiority of their arms, while their cities and villages were 
consigned to the flames, every where applied without pity or discri- 
mination. 

The Spaniards then placed a barrier to the increase of the popu- 

|p' iation of the country, they prohibited by vigorous laws the entrance 

of strangers into it, and in latter times they opened it to the immoral, 

^ to convicts cast out ol the peninsula. Neither the vast, but beautiful 

deserts, formed here by exterminating the natives; nor the benefit 
which might accrue to Spain herself, by the cultivation of plains fer- 
tile as they are extensive; nor the existence of minerals, the richest, 
and most abundant of the globe; nor the attraction of innumerable pro« 

f ductions, some until then unknown, others precious from their intrinsic 

value,and capable of animating industry, and enlivening commerce, car- 
rying the one to its highest pitch, and the other to the utmost extent of 
opulence; nor, in fine, the unceasing exertions necessary to keep the 
fairest regions of the earth submerged in wretchedness, had sufficient 
influence to change the dark, and portentous policy of the court of Mad- 
rid.. From one city to another of this country, there are hundreds 
of leagues lying wast and uninhabited. Entire nations have disap- 
peared, buried under the ruins of mines, or perishing in an atmos- 
phere poisoned with antimony, under the diabolical institution of the^ 
mitas. Neither the lamentations of all Peru, nor the energetic re- 
presentations of the most zealous ministers, have been sufficient to put 
a stop to this system of extermination. 

The science of working mines, regarded with indifference and 
neglect, has remained without undergoing those improvements com- 
mon ro other nations in an enlightened age; thus rudely wrought, the 
richest have disappeared, either by the dilapidation of excavated hills, 
or by the influx of water. Other rare and valuable productions of 
the country, have remained in the great storehouse of nature without 
having excited the attention, and zeal of the government; and if at 
any time an enlightened individual presumed to publish these ad- 
vantages, he was sure to be reprehended by the court, and compelled 
to be silent, lest, possibly, a diminution of the demand for some of 
the productions of Spain might ensue. 

It was forbidden to teach us the liberal sciences, we were only 
permitted te learn the Latin grammar, the philosophy of the schools^ 
civil, and ecclesiastical jurisprudence. The viceiroy Don Joaquin 
Pirio, gave much off'ence by permitting a nautical school at Buenos 
Ayres, and in compliance with a mandate of the court, it was order- 
ed to be shut, while at the same time it was strictly prohibited to 
send our youth to Paris for the purpose of studying the science of 
chemistry, in order to teach it on their return. 



[2] 



99 



Commerce was ever a monopoly in the hands of merchants of the 
peninsula and of their consignees sent by them to America. All public 
offices, and employments belonged exclusively to the Spaniards, and al- 
though Americans were equally called to them by the laws, they were 
appointed only in rare instances, and even then, not without satiating 
the cupidity of the court by enormous sums of money. Of one hundred 
and seventy vice roys that have governed in this country, but four of 
them have been Americans; and of six hundred and ten captains gen- 
eral, and governors, all but fourteen have been Spaniards. The 
same took place in every other post of importance, and even amongst 
the common clerks of offices, it was rare to meet with Americans. 

Every thing was disposed on the part of Spain, in America, to ef- 
fect the degradation of her sons. It did not suit the policy of Spain 
that sages should rise up amongst us, fearful lest men of genius should 
bethink them of advancing the condition of their country, and of im- 
proving the morals, and excellent capacities, with which its sons have 
been gifted by their Creator. It was her policy incessantly to dimin- 
ish, and depress, our population, lest, one day, we should imagine 
aughtagainst her domination, guarded by a force, contemptible for 
regions so various and vast. Commerce was exclusively confined to 
herself from a mean suspicion that opulence would make us proud, 
and render us capable of aspiring to free ourselves from so many vex=> 
ations. The growth of industry was checked, in order that the means 
of escaping from our wretchedness, and poverty, might be denied us; 
and we were excluded from all participation in public employments, 
in order that the natives ofthe peninsula might have entire influence 
over the countrv, so as to form the incrmatii)ns, and habits, necessa- 
ry for retaining us in a state of dependence, that would neither per= 
mitus to think, or to act, but in conformity to the modes dictated by 
the Spaniards. 

This system was acted upon with the utmost rigor by the vice 
roys: each of them was invested with the authority of a visier: their 
power was sufficient to annihilate all those who dared to displease 
them : however great the vexations they practised, we had to bear 
them with patience, while these were compared by their satelites, and 
worshippers to the effects of the wrath of God. The complaints 
which were addressed to the throne were either lost in the distance 
of many thousand leagues, over which they had to pass, or they were 
smothered in the offices at Madrid by the protectors of those who 
tyrannized over us. Not only was this system not softened, but there 
was no hope of its moderating in the course of time. We had no 
voice, direct, or indirect, in legislating for our country: this was done 
for us in Spain, without conceding to us the privilege of sending de- 
■egates, or councellors, to be present, and to state what would be 
suitable, or otherwise, as is practised by the cities of Spain. Neither 
did we possess such influence in the government set over us, as might 
serve to temper the severity of its administration. We knew that 
there was no remedy for us but to bear with patience; and that for 



100 [2] 

him who could not resign himself to every abuse death was consider- 
ed too light a punishment; for, in such cases, penalties have been in- 
vented of unheard of cruelty, and revolting to every sentiment of 
humanity. 

Less enormous, and less pertinaciously persevered in, were the 
outrages which compelled Holland to take up arms, and to free her- 
self from Spain; those which induced Portugal to shake off the same 
yoke; those which placed the Swiss, under William Tell, in opposi- 
tion to the emperor of Germany; those which induced the United 
States of North America to resist the encroachments of Great Bri* 
tain; or those of mauy other countries, which, without being sepa- 
rated by nature from their parent- states, have separated themselves, 
in order to shake off an iron yoke, and to take into their own hands 
the care of their own felicity, than what we have experienced. We, 
however, separated by an immense ocean, inhabiting a country gifted 
with every variety of climate, possessing distinct wants, and treated 
like flocks, and herds, have exhibited the singular example of pa- 
tient endurance, under such degradationt remaining obedient, even 
when the most seducing circum&tances presented themselves for cast- 
ing off the yoke, and driving the Spanish power to the other side of 
the ocean. 

We address ourselves to the nations of the world, and to mani- 
fest so much effronterv, as to think of deceiving them in matters to 
which they have been witnesses, is impossible. America remained 
tranquil during the whole war of the succession, and awaited the ter- 
mination of the contest between the houses of Austria and Bourbon, 
in Of der to follow the fortunes of Spain. A favorable occasion then 
presented itself to free ourselves from so many vexations; but we 
did not seize it, on the contrary we exerted ourselves in her defence, 
arming in her cause alone, and with a view of maintaining our con- 
nexion with her. Without having any concern in her differences with 
European nations, we have embarked in her wars, we have suffered 
the devastations, we have born without a murmur all the privations to 
which we were exposed by her nullit)? on the ocean, one of which was 
the interruption of the usual communication with her. 

In the year 1806. our country was invaded: an English expedi- 
tion surprised and captured Buenos Ayres, the capital, through the 
imbecility of the vice roy, who, though wiihout European troops, liad 
numerous resources fully adequate, which he knew not how to avail 
himself of. We prayed assistance from the court to enable us to de- 
fend ourselves against a new expedition which threatened us, and the 
consolation we received was a royal mandate to defend ourselves as 
we could. The following year the eastern shore (Banda Oriental) 
was occupied by a new and more formidable expedition: the town of 
Monte Video was besieged, and taken by assult: here the British 
troops were augmented, and a powerful force prepared for making 
another attack on the capital, and in fact the attack was made a few 



[2] 



101 



months afterwards; happily the valor of our citizens triumphe4 
over the enemy in the assault, compelling him, after a brilliant vic- 
tory, to evacuate Monte Video, and the whole of the eastern shore, 

A more favorable opportunity of rendering ourselves indepen- 
dent could not have been desired than that which now presented it-^ 
self, if the spirit of rebellion or perfidy had been capable of moving 
us, or if we had been susceptible of those principles of anarchy 
and sedition imputed to us. At that time we had abundant 
cause for doing what we have since donc~ It was by no meant 
our duty to be indifferent t« the state of degradation, in which 
we had so long existed. If at any time victory authorizes the 
conqueror to be the arbiter of his own destinies, we might 
justly then have fixed ours; we were with arms in our hands, 
triumphat, and there was not a single Spanish regiment to oppose 
us; and if neither victory nor force can give right, ours was still grea- 
ter no longer to tolerate the domination of Spain. We had nothing 
to apprehend from the forces of the peninsula; its ports were block- 
aded, and the seas commanded by the fleets of Britain. Notwith- 
standing the favorable conjuncture thus presented to us by fortune, 
we chose to preserve our connection with Spain, hoping by this dis- 
tinguished proof of loyalty to effect a change in the system of the 
court, and render it sensible of its true interest. 

But we flattered ourselves with vain hopes. Spain did not re- 
gard this conduct as an evidence of the generosity of our disposi- 
tions, but as a bare act of duty. America still continued to be ruled 
with the same tyranny, and our sacrifices, though most heroic, had 
no other effect, than to add a few more pages to the history of that 
oppression, under which we had so long groaned. 

Such was the situation in which we were found by the revolu- 
tion of Spain. We, who were habituated to yield a blind obedience 
to all her mandates, readily acknowledged Ferdinand the 7th of 
Bourbon, although raised to the throne by a tumult at Aranjuez, 
which deposed his father. We saw him soon after -pass over into 
France; we saw him there detained with his parents, and brothers^ 
and deprived of the crown which he had just usurped. We saw, 
that Spain, every where occupied by French troops, was shaken to 
her centre, and that in her civil convulsions, the most distinguished 
individuals, who governed with wisdom in the provinces, or served 
with honor in her armies, fell victims to the insensate fury of rivals. 
That in the midst of these vibrations, governments rose up in each of 
those provinces, styling themselves supreme, and claiming sovreign 
authority over America. A junta of this kind, formed at Seville, 
had the presumption to be the first to demand our obedience, and we 
were obliged by our vice roys to recognize and yield it submission. 
In less than two months, another, entitled the supreme junta of 
Gallicia, pretended to the same right, and sent us a vice roy, with 
the indeccDt menace, that thirty thousand men should also be sent 



102 [2] 

if necessary. The Junta Central next erected itself: we immediately- 
obeyed it, without having had the slightest share in its formation, 
zealously and efficaciously, complying with all its decrees. We sent 
succours of money, voluntary donations, and supplies of every kind, 
to prove that our fidelity would stand any trial to which it could be 
subjected 

We had been tempted by the agents of king Joseph Bonaparte, 
and great promises were held out to us of bettering our condition, 
should we unite ourselves with his interests. W^e knew that the 
Spaniards of greatest note had already declared for him; that the na- 
tion was without armies, and without the vigorous direction requi- 
site in moments of so much difficulty. We were informed that the 
troops of Rio de la Plata, who were prisoners at London, after the 
first expedition of the English* had been conducted to Cadiz, and 
there treated with the greatest inhumanity, and that in a state of na- 
kedness they had been sent off to fight against the French. Yet our 
situation continued unchanged until the Andelusias having been oc- 
cupied by the French, the Junta Central was dispersed. 

Under these circumstances there was published a paper, without 
date, and signed only by the archbishop of Laodicea, who had been 
president of the extinguished Junta Central. By this paper a regen- 
cy was ordered to be formed, and three persons as those who should 
compose it, were designated. An occurrence, so unexpected, could 
Dot but cause us to hesitate and ponder over it seriously. Our situ- 
ation became alarming, and we had reason to be apprehensive of 
being involved in the misfortunes of the capital. We reflected upon 
its uncertain and vibrating state, more especially as the French had 
already presented before the gates of Cadiz and the island of Leon: 
we distrusted the new regents, who were unknown to us, the most 
distinguished Spaniards having passed over to the French, the 
Junta Central dissolved, its members denounced as traitors in the 
public papers. We saw the inefficacy of the decree published by the 
archbishop of Laodicea, and the insufficiency of his powers for the 
establishment of a regency; we knew not but that the French had 
taken possession of Cadiz, and completed the conquest of Spain in 
the interval which must elapse before these papers could come to 
our hands; and we doubted whether a government, formed out of the 
fragments of the Junta Central, would not soon meet with the same 
fate. Considering the perils which surrounded us,, we resolved to 
take upon ourselves the care of our own safety, until we should ob- 
tain better information of the true condition of Spain, and whether 
her government had acquired stability. Instead of discovering this 
stability, we soon learned the fall of the regency, and saw it succeded 
by continual changes of government in moments the most arduous 
and critical. 

In the meanwhile we formed our junta, in imitation of those of 
Spain. It was purely provisional^ and in the name of our captive 



[2] 



103 



king. The vice roy Don Baltazar Hidaldo Cisneros despatched cir- 
culars to the provincial governors, in order to light up the flames of 
civil war, and arm provinces against provinces. 

The Rio de la Plata was immediately blockaded by a squadron: 
the governor of Cordova immediately set about raising an army: the 
governor of Potosi and the president of Charcas, marched with ano« 
ther to the confines of Salca, and the president of Cusco presenting 
himself with a third army on the margin of the Desaguedero entered 
into an armistice of forty days, and before its term had elapsed re* 
commenced hostilities, attacked our troops, and a bloody battle ensu- 
ed, in which he lost fifteen hundred men. Memory is horror-struck 
in recalling the abominable cruelties then perpetrated by Goyeneche 
in Cochabamba. Would to God! it were possible to forget this un- 
grateful American-, who, on the day of his entrance into the city, or- 
dered the respectable governor intendant Antesana to be shot, and 
observing with complacency, from the balcony of his house, this in- 
iquitous assassination, ferociously cried out to his troops not to shoot 
the victim in the head, as it was wanted to be stuck upon a pike, and 
when it was severed from the body, the headless trunk was dragged 
through the streets, while at the same time the brutal soldiers were 
barberously permitted to dispose at pleasure of the lives and property 
of the inhabitants during many successive days. 

Posterity will be shocked by the ferocity manifested towards us 
by men, who ought to have been interested in the preservation of the 
Americans; and they will regard with astonishment the madness of 
attempting to punish as a crime an act marked with the indelible seal 
of fidelity and love. The name of Ferdinand of Bourbon preceded 
all the acts of the government, and headed its public documents. — » 
The Spanish Sag waved on our vessels, and served to animate our 
soldiers. The provinces seeing themselve reduced to a kind of or- 
phanage by the dispersion of the national government, by the want of 
another of alegitimate character, and capable of commanding respect, 
and by the conquest of nearly the whole of the mother country, had 
raised up for themselves an argus to v/atch for their safety, and to 
preserve them entire, so that they might be restored to the captive 
king, in case he should regain his liberty. This measure was sane* 
tioned by the example of Spain herself, and produced by her decla- 
ration, that America was an integral part of the monarchy, possess- 
ing equal rights, and which had already been practised in Monte Vi- 
deo, at the instance of the Spaniards themselves. We offered to con- 
tinue our pecuniary aids for the prosecution of the war,and a thousand 
times published the uprightness, and sincerity of our intentions.— 
Great Britain to which Spain was then so much indebted, interposed 
her mediation, and good offices, to prevent our being treated in a 
manner so harsh, and severe. But the Spaniards were fixed in their 
sanguinary caprice, rejected the mediation, and despatched rigorous 
orders to ail their generals to prosecute the castigation of the Ameri- 



104 [g] 

cans with redoubling activity; scaffolds were every where erected, and 
ingenuity was taxed tor inventions to frighten and afflict. 

From thenceforward, no pains were spared, and no means left 
untried, to divide, and engage us in mutual extermination. They 
have spread abroad the most atrocious calumnies against us, attribut- 
ing to us the intention of renouncing our holy religion, and of encour- 
aging an unbounded licentiousness of manners. They have made a 
religious war against us, contriving by a thousand ways to disturb, and 
alarm the conscience, and causing the Spanish bishop to publish ec- 
clesiastical censures, and excommunications, and to sow through the 
means of some ignorant confessors fanatical doctrines even in the pe- 
nitential tribunal. By means of those religious discords, families 
have been divided against themselves; they have occasioned dissen- 
tions between father and son; they have broken asunder the delightful 
ties which unite husband and wife; they have sown rancour, and 
hatred between the most affectionate brothers; they have, in fine, en- 
deavored to poison all the harmony of society. 

They have adopted the dreadful system of putting men to death 
indiscriminately, for no other purpose than to diminish our numbers^ 
and on entering our towns have been known to put to death even the 
unfortunate market people, driving them into the public square in 
groups, and shooting them down with cold blooded, wanton cruelty. 
The cities of Chuquisaca, and Cochabamba have more than oncej 
been theatres of this shocking barbarity. 

They have compelled our soldiers, taken prisoners, to serve 
against their wills in the ranks of their armies, carrying the officers in 
irons to distant outposts, where it was impossible for them to preserve 
health for a single year, while others have been starved to death 
in dungeons, and many have been forced to labor on the public 
works. They have wantonly shot the bearer of flags of truce, and 
have committed the utmost horrors upon chiefs after their surren- 
der, and other principal personages, notwithstanding the humanity 
that had been shown by us to those prisoners who fell into our hands; 
in proof of this assertion we need only mention the Deputy Mates of 
Potosi, captain general Pumacagua, general Angulo, and his brother, 
the commandant Munecas, and other partizan chiefs, shot in cold 
blood, many days after having surrendered as prisoners, 

In the district of Valle Grande they indulged themselves in the 
brutal sport of cutting off the ears of the natives, and then transmit- 
ting a panier full of them to head quarters; they afterwards destroy- 
ed the town by fire; burnt about forty populous villages of Peru, and 
took a hellish pleasure in shutting up the inhabitants in their houses 
before setting them on fire, in order that their unhappy victims 
might be burnt alive. 

They have not only shewn themselves cruel and implacable, in 
murdering our countrymen, but they have thrown aside all regard to 
decency and morality, causing old men of the religious profession, in 



[2] 



105 



I 



the public places,arjd women, made fast to a cannon, but first stripped 
naked, and their bodies exposed to shame. 

They have established an inquisitorial system for all these pun- 
ishments: they have dragged out peaceful inhabitants from their hous- 
es, and transported them across the ocean to be tried for pretended 
offences, and have executed without trial a multitude of citizens. 

They have chased our vessels, sacked our sea-coasts, murdered 
defenceless inhabitants without sparing clergymen, and those in ex- 
treme old age; by the order of general Pezuella, they burnt the town 
of Puno, and meeting with no others, they put to the sword old men 
women, and children. They have excited atrocious conspiracies 
among the Spaniards residing in the midst of us, imposing upon us 
the painful necessity of putting to death the fathers of numerous 
families. 

They have compelled our brothers and sons to take up arms 
against us, and forming armies by the impressment of the natives of 
Peru, have compelled them under the command of Spanish officers to 
£ght against our troops. They have excited domestic insurrections, 
corrupting with money, and every species of seduction, the pacific in- 
habitants of the country, in order to involve us in a frightful anarchy, 
and to enable them to attack us weakened and divided. They have 
displayed a new invention of horror, in poisoning fountains and food, 
when beaten in La Paz by general Pinelo; and the mildness with 
which they were treated, when compelled to surrender at discretion, 
was rewarded by the barbarous act of blowing up the barracks, which 
had been previously mined for the purpose. 

They have had the baseness to attempt to tamper with our gov- 
ernors, and generals, and abusing the sacred privilege of flags of 
truce; they have repeatedly written letters inciting to treason. They 
have declared that the laws of war, recognized by civilized nations, 
ought not to be observed towards us, and with contemptuous indif- 
ference replied to general Belgrano that treaties could not be enter- 
ed into, or kept, with insurgents. 

Such had been the conduct of Spaniards towards us when Ferdi- 
nand of Bourbon was restored to the throne. We then believed that 
the termination of our troubles had at last arrived; it seemed to us, 
that the king, who had been formed in adversity, would not be indif- 
ferent to the miseries of his people; we therefore despatched a de- 
puty to him, to make known our situation. We could not doubt but 
that he would give us a reception worthy a benign prince, and that 
he would feel an interest in our supplications, as well from gratitude 
as from that beneficence, which the Spanish countries had praised to 
the skies. But a new, and before unknown ingratitude was reserved 
to be experienced by the countries of America, surpassing all exam* 
j)le that the history of the worst of tyrants can present. 

Scarcely had he returned to Madrid, when he,without ceremony, 
at once, declared us insurgents. He disdained to listen to our com- 
■ ■ ' . 14 



106 [2] 

plaints, or hearken to our supplications, tendering a pardon as the 
only favor he could offer. He confirmed in authority the vice 
roys, governors, and generals, who had perpetrated the bloody deeds, 
before detailed. He declared as a crime of state, the having pretend- 
ed to form a constitution for ourselves, that we might be placed be- 
yond the reach of the capricious, arbitrary, and tyranic power, to 
which we had been subjected for three centuries; a measure which 
could displease none but a prince, who is inimical to justice and be- 
neficence, and consequently unworthy of ruling. 

With the aid of his ministers, he at once set to work in collecting 
forces for the purpose of being sent against us. He caused numer- 
ous armies to be transported to this country, in order to complete the 
devastations, conflagrations, and robberies, so well begun. He avail- 
ed himself of the moment when complimented by the principal Eu- 
ropean powers on his return from France, to engage them to deny us 
every succor, and to look on with indifference, while he was gratify- 
ing the cruelty of his disposition in destroying us. 

He has established a peculiar regulation for die treatment of 
American privateers, barbarously ordering their crews to be hanged; 
he hasfoibidden the observance towards us of the Spanish naval or- 
dinance, established in conformity with the laws of nations, and he ha 
denied every thing to us which we invariably allow to his subjects 
captured by our cruisers. He sent his generals with decrees of par- 
don which they caused to be published with no view but to deceive 
the simple, and ignorrint, in order to facilitate their entrance into cities 
and towns; but giving at the same time private instructions, author- 
izing, and commanding them afier having thus obtained possession, 
to hang, burn, sack, confiscate, assassinate, and to inflict every possi- 
ble suffering, on such as had availed themselves of such suppositious 
pardons. It is in the name of Ferdinand of Bourbon that the heads 
of captured patriot officers have been stuck up on the highways; that 
a distinguished partisan leader has been actually empaled; and that 
the monster Centano, after having murdered col, Gamargo in the 
same manner, cut off his head, and sent it as a present to general 
Pezuela, informing him that it was si whach of the Virgin del Car* 
men* 

It has been by a torrent of evils, and bitter afflictions such as 
these, that v/ehave been compelled to take the only course that re- 
mained to us. We reflected deeply on our situation, and future fate, 
and turning our eyes to every quarter, we were unable to see any 
thing but the three elements, of which it must necessarily be com- 
posed, opprobrium, ruin, and abject submission. What could Amer- 
ica expect from a king, actuated at the very moment of seating him- 
self on the throne by sentiments so inhuman? Of a king, who pre- 
vious to commencing his devastations, hastened to prevent the inter- 
position of any other prince to restrain the effects of his insensate fu- 
ry? Of a king, who has no other rewards but chains, and gibbets, for 



[2] 



107 



the immense sacrifices of his Spanish subjects in releasing him from 
captivity? Of subjects, who, at the expense of their blood, and of ev- 
ery privation, have redeemed him from a prison, in order to bind his 
temples with a crown? If those men, to whom he owed so much, 
thus received death, were doomed to perpetual imprisonment, or to 
base slavery, for no other crime than that of having framed a consti- 
tution, what might we not expect to be reserved for us. To hope for 
a benign treatment from him, and from his bloody ministers, would 
have been to seek among tigers for the mildness of the dove. 

Then, indeed, would have been repeated towards us the ensan- 
guined scenes of Caracas, Carthagena, Quito, and Santa Fee; we 
should then have spurned the ashes of the eighty thousand persons 
who have fallen victims to the fury of the enemy, and whose illus- 
trious names with justice call for revenge, and we should have meri- 
ted the execrations of every succeeding generation, condemned to 
serve a master, always disposed to treat them, and who by his nulli- 
ty on the sea has become impotent to protect them from foreign in- 
vasion. 

We therefore, thus impelled by the Spaniards, and their king 
having declared ourselves independent, and in self defence against 
tjsranny, have staked our honors, our lives, and our fortunes. We 
have sworn before the Supreme Judge of the Universe, that we will 
never renounce the cause of justice, that we will not permit the 
country which he gave us to be buried beneath ruins, and submerged 
in blood by the hands of executioners; that we shall never forget 
the obligations that we owe to save her from the dangers which 
threaten her, nor the sacred right to require of us all necessary sa- 
crifices to prevent her from being soiled by the foul footsteps of ty- 
rants and usurpers. This declaration is engraven on our hearts, 
that we may never cease to combat in her cause. And at tht? 
same time that we unfold to the world the motives that have induced 
to this step, we have the honor to make known our desire of living 
in peace with all, and even with Spain herself from the moment 
she thinks proper to accept our offer. 

Given at the congressional hall in Buenos Ayres, 25th of 
October, 1816. 

Br. Pedros Ignacio de Castro y Banos. 

PresidentJ 
Jose Eugmio de Eh(^'^ •> 

Secretary, 



108 [i] 



B 

Notes, which the Secretary of State, in the Department of the Gov» 
ernment, and of foreign relations, places in the hands of Messrs. 
the Deputies of the United States of North America for the in- 
formation of the President of those States. 

The nation is st5^1ed the United Provinces of South America. 

The number and denomination of each, with its intendenciesi 
and chief towns of districts (Cabezas de Pardido) according to the 
former state of the vice royalty appears in Document No. 1. 

In 1814. five more provinces were erected, whose names are, 
Tucumax, Mendoza or Cuyo, Corrientes, Entre Rios, and Oriental 
del Kio de la Plata. 

The capitals of the two latter, are the town of Conception del 
Urugway or Arroya de la China, and the city of Monte Video. 

Out of the fourteen provinces, into which the territory of the an^ 
cient vice royalty is now subdivided, there are nine in the hands of 
the patriots, which are stated in said document under the title of 
free provinces; and those occupied with troops or under the influ- 
ence of the Spanish army, are the other five, whose names are, Poto- 
si, Plata or charcas, Cochabamba, la Paz and Pano. 

In all the territory of the ancient royalty, there is but one arch- 
bishopric, which is that of I#a Plata, and six bishopricks which are 
stated in said document, under the denomination of Suffragans. 

The territory of the United Provinces, contains one hundred and 
forty*five thousand square leagues. Their population according to 
the nearest estimate amounts to one million, three hundred thousand, 
without including the aborigines. Their productions, manufactures, 
and articles of commerce will be seen in statement. No, 2. 

The political state of the provinces called free, is quiet and tran* 
quil; they are under the influence of the supreme direction of the 
states, which resides in Buenos Ayres. They have their governors 
in the intendencies, or capitals: Lieutenant governors in the chief 
towns, villages &c. The province of Assumption del Paraguay^ 
is an independent state, as also the Oriental del Rio. 

The funds, public revenues, and annual expenditures, will be 
seen in the statement, No. 3, with the notes on the same. 

The land military force of the united territory, appears in the 
statement No. 4 and 5, the latter shews the amount of arms, and mu- 
nitions of war, which it possesses in its armies, parks, in its manufac- 
tories, and its armory. 

The naval force will be seen in the statement Nos. 6 and 7. 

The authority of the supreme director, of his secretaries, and of 
the tribunals of justice, are detailed in the provincial regulations^ a 
copy of which is annexed under No. 8. 



m 



109 



There is » tribunal of prizes, which is composed of the secretary 
of the war department; the president of the chamber of appeals j the 
assessor del govierno, and the auditor general of war; there is an- 
ctther tribunal which takes cognizance of appeals from the decisions 
of the former, and is composed of the supreme director of the state^ 
the secretary of state for the government, and for foreign affairs and 
the secretary of the treasury. This tribunal takes cognizance also, 
in case of supplication, and all being subject to the reglamento del 
corso, No. 9, and other special regulations, which, although not ap- 
pearing in the provincial regulations, established by congress, are 
notwithstanding been approved by the same. 

At the present moment the formation of a constitution for the 
state, is in progress. A committee consisting of members of con- 
gress are assiduously engaged, and will soon present a project of the 
constitutiom 

The population of the city of Buenos Ayres, according the cen- 
sus of 1815, amounted to fifty thousand nine hundred and ninety- 
nine inhabitants. This census was inaccurate and underrated. Since 
then, the emigration of foreigners has been unusually great, as also 
the emigration of numerous families from the Banda Oriental, and 
Entre Rios, so that its population is at present estimated at sixty-two 
thousand souls. 

Besides other institutions, this capital has, what is called the 
colegio seminario; another institution for the education of youth, 
called the Union of the South, will be opened on the 25th May next, 
with a general plan of education, particularly of the languages, and 
sciences: there is also an academy of jurisprudence: one of drawing, 
four of the study of medicine, and board for the examination of 
those who prepare to practice. 

There are three printing offices, a public library with twenty 
thousand volumes: schools for teaching the first elements in every 
parish: there is a society of men of taste for the stage: another of 
friends of the country: another of agriculture: a cannon foundery: a 
manufactory of small arms: one of swords: an armory, three parks of 
artillery: three powder magazines, and a variety of manufactories in 
different branches. 

The independence of the state was declared at Tucumar the 
9th of July, 1816, the congress being assembled at that place, and 
there sanctioning it. To obtain its acknowledgment by foreign pow- 
ers, communications and invitations have been made to them, and in 
Europe there is an envoy extraordinary to its several courts, he is 
doctor Bernardine de Rivadavia. 

These provinces have been defacto independent of Spain since 
the year 1810, when they openly made war upon her in Peru, in Pa- 
rag way and in Monte Video. Eearly in 1813, as soon as the province 
of Potosi was taken possession of by the patriots, they coined money 
there, impressed with arms of the state, hoisted the national flag, 



110 [2] 

and took other public steps, which were equivalent to the most so-= 
lenin declaration of the new rank which they assumed. 

They armed a considerable number of privateers, which have 
ruined the Spanish trade, and they have even blockaded some ports 
in the peninsula. 

It was not the proclamation of independence which gave origin 
to the rights of the Americans, it merely recognized them, as they 
had before existed, and had been claimed since the memorable epocha 
of the 25th of May, 1810. 

It appears unnecessary to make any further explanations of those 
facts and circumstances, which having come within the knowledge of 
the commissioners, particularly of late, must have afforded the infor- 
mationdesired. 

GREGORIATAGLE. 

BueriGS Syres^ April 21, 1818. 



[2] 



111 



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[No. 2.] 

Shewing the productions, manufactures, and branches of commerce^ ef 
the free Intendencies and their dependencies. 

BUENOS AYRES. 

Grain, hides, tallow, wool, hair, horns. These are an ineS"* 
haustible supply of commercial resources: the trade with the Pam- 
pas Indians alone in montas, wool, salt, bridle reins, and feathers^ 
exceed the sum of g iOO,000 per annum. 

PARAGUAY. 

Wood of a superior quality of many varieties; the herb matl, 
tobacco, guambe, and peasaba for cables, honey and molasses, dried 
sweetmeats, sugar, rice, cotton cloths> various kinds of gums and 
raisins, beautiful birds. 

CORDOVA. 

Grain, hides, woollen and cotton cloths, raising of males and 
herds, excellent lime, minerals of gold and silver, 

MENDOZA. 

Dried fruits of many different kinds, wines, and brandy, grain, 
cattle, woollen cloths, carriage of goods, and wagons for the transpor* 
tation of commodities to Chili, Buenos Ayres, and other provinceSg 
minerals of gold. 

TUCUMAN. 

Woods, grain, rice, oranges, mani, tobacco, honey, wax, excel- 
lent cheese, woollen and cotton cloths, raising of herds, transportation 
of merchandise, and wagons. 

SALTA. 

The raising of herds, mules, of which there is annually sent 
seventy or eighty thousand head to Peru, grain, sugar, honey, molas- 
ses, and brandys, wool of a superior qualitv, as also of the varuna, 
cloths of it, woods, minerals of gold and silver, copper, iron, and tin, 
sulphur? allum, and vitriol. 

15 



114 [2] 

CORIENTES. 

Hides, hair, cotton, agi, mani of different kinds, honey, dried 
sweetmeats, sugar, charcoal, cotton and woollen cloths. 

ENTRE RIOS AND BANDA ORIENTAL. 

Ox hides, horse hides, deer skins, otter and chin chilla skins, 
tallow, dried and salt meat. 

Buenos Ayres, Mril 21 y ±818. 

TAGLE. 



m 



115 



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[2] 



119 



Exposition of the property and funds of the statCy in all their variom 

classes. 

In cash in the treasuries of the state, of 

the custom house, post office, and 

police ..-»=. 33,963 Ij 

In good unsettled accounts of former 

years - - - . . 8,554.,404 2| 

Deposits ... - - 6,429 2| 

In capitals of temporarities at 5 percent. 

iRterest ----- 93,359 3% 



In real and personal estate of the Commonwealth, 



8,688,156 1| 



By value of the effects in the storehouses 

of the treasury - ||- 2,263,104-1^ 

©f amount in custom house chests 2,233 2% 

Of the custom house and resguardia and 

fifteen vessels - ^ - 12,197 

Of the marine and fifteen vessels - 188,199 

By value of the public library - 158,322 3| 

By idem of the commissariat of clothing 53^462 3| 

By idem of edifices belonging to the state, 
and under the direction of the secre- 
tary of the treasury - 928,625 * 

By idem of others, in which the state has 

an interest . - . 70,000 

By idem of mathematical instruments 2,184< 4 

By idem of the articles belonging to the 

police ' - - - 24^,017 2| 9,310/i72 5j 

By idem to the general of accounts - 3,259 4 

By idem of the proceeds of the post office 

and the buildings - - 60,895 4? 

By idem of the college de la 'Union, 

Temple, and adjacent buildmgs, &c. 2,000,000 

By idem of the edifice which serves as a 

military prison - . - 45,000 

[By idem of the furniture, &c. of the dif- 
ferent offices in the fort or govern- 
ment house - - - 15,000 
»y idem of the arms, ordnance, and mu- 
nitions of war, with the armies 460,149 7 
»y idem of the general park in this cap- 
ital - - 1,337,876 3| 
•y idem of the cannon foundery * 59,312 3 



120 



[2] 



By idem of the manufactory of small 
arms - - - - 

Bv idem of the arsenal 

By idem of military edifices in the capital 
and at Ensenada 

By idem on the frontier 

By idem of the effects, &c. in the store- 
houses of the commissariat of war 

By idem in that of the capital 

advances. 
Those made from the state treasury 

Balances on accounts settled. 
On those liquidated by the general trea- 
sury - ' ' m ' 
Same at the custom house - W - 
Same at the post office - ^ - 
Same by the collectors of contributions 
from commerce, from different bod- 
ies incomes, bread, and beef 
Same by the debt due from the state of 
Chili, as far as liquidated 



88,206 
307,535 

1,168,981 
26,000 

39,652 
6,258 






62,908 2^ 
454.396 4* 
16,039 1 



176,200 
50,346 ^ 



297,078 71 



> 759,889 74 



19,055,597 Bl 



Notes. 

1st. The public lands of the state, which consist of hundreds of 
leagues in the vast extent of the provinces, and whose value may be 
estimated at many millions of dollars, is not included in this state- 

ment. 1 ... 1 - 1 

2d. The whole of the property and funds exhibiteo, re'ates only to 
the province of Buenos Ayres, excluding those of Entre Rios, Sta. 
Fee and Corrientes; without making mention of the estimates of 
the rest, which amount to many millions, in the produce of their pe- 
culiar branches and property of different kinds, on account of some 
of them being occupied by the enemy, and not possessing sufficient 
data to state the particulars with accuracy; neve.theless, according 
to the table of estimates made by the general of accounts in the year 
1810, taking the whole of the provinces of the ancient vicerovalty, 
which at present compose the union, it appears that at that date the 
liquidated estimates, without including incomes, lots of ground, cap- 
itals at interest, and other funds, but merely the administrate pro 
ceeds, amounted to six millions eleven thousand eight hundred and 
two dollars. 



C2] 121 

3d. No mention is made in this table of the annual revenues of 
the Cabildo of this capital, which in 1817, amounted to S367,263, be- 
cause, as municipal funds, they have their peculiar destination; leav- 
ing however a considerable residue, which in case of necessity by the 
state, may be appropriated to its use, as also those of the other Cabil- 
dos of the union, of which, from the distance and shortness of time, 
it has not been possible to give an exact account, 

4th. The amount of public debt acknowledged by the state, ac 
crued in former years, until the close of last December, paid during 
tbe administration of the present director, is S 1,135,483 5 J. 

5th. Although the post office establishment produces, at present, 
after deducting ail expenses, a small balance in favor of the state, this 
is owing to the franks on ultramarine communications, and the inter- 
ruption of intercourse with the provinces occupied by the enemy; but 
in case of their becoming fj ee, the administration of this capital alone, 
will produce a surplus of $ 30,000, and the interior provinces in pro- 
portion. 

ESTEVAN A GASCON 

Buenos Ayres^ i^th Jiprilf 1818. 



122 



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1^ [21 



provisional ■regulation^ sanctioned by the Sovereign Congress of the 
United Provinces of South America^ for the government of the 
stat^y to be observed until the adoption of the Gonstitution. 

SECTION I. 

Of men in ssctetu^ 

CHAPTER 1. 

lOf the rights which belong to all the inhabitants of the state. 

^ Art. 1, The rights of the inhabitants of the state, are those of 
reputation, liberty, equality, property, and security. 

Art. 2. The first has an acceptation so uniform as to render its 
explanation superfluous. The second, is the good opinion of his fel- 
lows, which every man striv^es to win by the rectitude of his conduct. 
The third, is the right of acting according to the dictates of a man's 
own will, so long as he neither violates the rights of the public, nor 
those of individuals. The fourth, consists in the law being equal to 
all, preserving alike the rights of the weak and the powerful. The 
iifth. is the right of full and unmolested enjoyment of property. The 
sixth, is the guarantee granted by the state to every one, that his 
rights shall not be violated unless the conditions be broken, upon 
compliance with which their enjoyment is, bylaw, made to depend. 

Art. 3. Every inhabitant oi the state, be he American or for* 
elgner, citizen or not, shall enjoy these rights* 

CHAPTER 2, 

Of the religion of the state. 

Art. 1. The Apostolical Roman Catliolic religion shall be the re* 
ligion of the state. 

Art. 2. Every man ought to respect the public worship, and the 
holy religion of the state: the violation of this law shall be deemed 
an infraction of the fundamental laws of the country. 

CHAPTER 5. 

Of citizenship. 

Art. 1. All the municipalities of the provinces shall form imme- 
diately a public register, to consist of two books, in one of which ii 



[^1 125 

shall be an indis pen sable duty to write the names of ail the citizens, 
with a statement of the age and origin of each: in the other, shall be 
written the names of those, who have lost the right of citizenship, or 
are suspended from its enjoyment. 

Art. 2. Every citizen shall obtain a certificate, signed by the 
alcade ordinario de primer voto^ and attested by the notary of the mu* 
nicipality, of his enrolment in the register aforesaid, without which 
evidence he shall not vote at the elections hereinafter mentioned. 

Art. 3. Every freeman born and resident in the territory of the 
state, is a citizen, but shall not exercise the rights of citizenship un- 
til he shall attain the age of tv/enty-five, or be emancipated. 

Art. 4. Every foreigner, of the same age, who may have estab- 
lished himself in the couniry, with the intention of fixing there his 
domicil, and having been resident there for four years, shall have be-^ 
come possessed of four thousand dollars worth of property, or not 
holding property to such amount, shall exercise some trade, or pur- 
sue some occupation useful to the state, shall enjoy the right of suf- 
frage in the assemblies of the citizens, provided he know how to read 
and write. 

Art. 5. After ten years residence he shall be eligible to all public 
employments, except those of the adr.iinistration of the government , 
but to entitle him to the right of suffrage, and tc render him eligible, 
he must first renounce all other citizenship. 

Art. 6. No European Spaniard shall enjoy the right of suiTrage, 
or be eligible to office, while the independence of these provinces is 
unacknov/ledged by the government of Spain. 

Art. 7. With the exception of »Spaniards of this class v/ho have 
declared in favor of liberty, and have rendered distinguished services 
to the state — these shall eryoy citizenship, proper letters of naturali- 
zation being first obtaintd. 

Art 8. Those born in the country, of African blood, whose an- 
cestors may have been slaves in this continent, shall have the right of 
suffrage, their fathers being freemen, and shall be eligible to office,. 
provided they be in the fourth degree from said ancestors. 

Art. 9. Those Spaniards, and other foreigners, who solicit citi- 
zenship, must first prove their good conduct. 

Art, 10. They shall both swear to defend, even to the extent of 
sacrificing property and life, the independence of the United Proving 
ces of South America, against that of the Jcing of Spain,hi5 successors^ 
and the metropoiis,andevery other foreign pov.er; the sup: erne director 
shall have the power to appoint one or more commissioners to admin- 
ister the oath. 

Art. 11. Letters of naturalization shall be granted only to those 
who have resided four years within the territories of the state, unless 
-l^inent merit, distinguished services, ctv the public weal, demands 
that such residence be dispensed with; it shall be left for the present 



126 [2] 

to the wisdom of the supreme director to determine when it shall bjc 
expedient so to dispense with it. 

Art. 12. The proofs of adhesion to the sacred cause of national 
independence, and other requisites expressed, shall be made before 
the governors or lieutenant governors of the provinces, in whose ter- 
ritories the applicant may reside, with formal hearing before the 
sindico procuradoi% on being notified by the municipality, and the said 
governor; and in default of this, the application shall be rejected.— 
The letters of naturalization shall be published in the jVlinisterial Ga* 
sette. 

CHAPTER 4. 

Of the privileges of citizenship. 

Art. 1. Every citizen is a component part of the national sove- 
reignty. 

Art. 2. In virtue of which, he has the right of suffrage, and is 
eligible to office, in those cases designated by this provisional regula= 
tion. 



CHAPTER 5. 

Of the several n-Lodes in which citizenship may be lost, audits enjoy 7nent 

suspended. 

Art. I. Citizenship shall be lost, by naturalization in a foreign 
country: bv acceoting offices, pensions, or titles of nobility, from 
another nation; by the illegal infliction of corporator infamous pun- 
ishments; bv fraud in a debtor, until, the reproach being wiped away, 
a new qualification be obtained. 

Art. 2. Citizenship shall be suspended when a debtor to the state 
is under execution: by accusation of a crime, provided it be well 
founded, and the punishment prescribed be corporal or infamous; by 
being a hired domestic servant; by not holding property, or pursuing 
some occupation lucrative, and useful to the country; by madness or 
insanity. 

Art. 3. Any magistrate who deprives a citizen of his right of 
citizenship, except for the causes enumerated in article 2, shall be 
punished by being deprived of his own. 

Art. 4-. Those judges who shall neglect to convey to the several 
municipalities information of the names which ought to be erased 
from the register mentioned in art. , chap 3, in consequence of legal 
conviction of crime, shall be deprived of the right of suffrage, and be 
ineligible at two succeeding elections* 



[2] 



127 



CHAPTER 6. 

Of the duties of every man in the state. 

Art. 1. Every man in the state, owes, in the first place, ''complete 
submission to the law, doing the good which it enjoins, and avoiding 
the evil which it prohibits. 

Art. 2. Obedience, honor, and respect, are due to the magis- 
trates, as ministers of the law, and first citizens. 

Art. 3. Every man, unless he be a foreigner, shall cheerfully 
make all the sacrifices required by the country in its necessities and 
dangers, not even excepting that of life. 

Art. 4. It is his duty to contribute to the support and preserva- 
tion of the rights of the citizen, and to the felicity of the state. 

Art. 5. To deserve the delightful and honorable title of man of 
worth, being a good father of a family, a good son, a good brother, 
and a good friend. 

CHAPTER 7, 

The duties of society. 

Art. 1 Society ought to secure to its members the enjoyment of 
the rights of man. 

Art. 2. It ought to alleviate the misfortunes of the citizens, and 
to use adequate means for their prosperity and instruction. 

Art. 3. Any regulation, or statute, contrary to the principles es- 
tablished in the preceding articles, shall be of no effect. 

SECTION II. 

Cf the legislative pQxve7\ 

CHAPTER !• 

Art. 1. The legislative power is resident onginally in the nation, 
its permanent exercise, the mode, and its limits, shall be established 
by the constitution of the state: in the mterim, this provisional regu- 
lation shall be in force, which shall be neither amended, interpreted, 
or have any addition made it, except by the sovereign congress, two- 
thirds of its members concurring in the measure, and circumstances 
demanding its adoption. 

Art. 2. Until the constitution makes proper provision, all the 
statutes and regulations, as well general, as particular, of the ancient 
Spanish government, which may not be hostile to the liberty of these 
provinces, nor in contrariety to this provincial regulation, and als© 
such of the regulations, made since the 25th of May, 1810, as are in 
fTonformitv with it, shall subsist. 



■128 L'2J 

Art. 3. The supreme director of the state, the judges, and pub- 
lic ofPcers» of every denomination, may communicate to congress, 
^and consult with that body, upon the doubts that may occur in the 
application of the laws and regulations, general, or particular, when- 
ever they consider them in conflict with declared rights, and the ac- 
tual system of the government; and the resolutions adopted in conse^ 
quence, shall be communicated to the executive power. 

SECTION III. 

Of the executive power. 

CHAPTER 1, 

Of the mode ef choosing the director of the state, and of his powers. 

Art. t. The supreme executive power, until by it elsewhere plac- 
ed, is in the nation, and shall be exercised by a director of the state. 

Art. 2. Until a constitution be adopted, the congress shall name, 
from among all the citizens of the provinces, him, most worthy, and 
best qualified for so high an office. 

Art. 3. In case of the absence of the director, in the defence of 
the stare, or of other legal impediment in the exercise of this office, 
the congress shall make suitable provision. 

Art. 4. Those citizens who are natives of the country, and who 
have resided in it at Itast live years immediately preceding the elec- 
tion, can only be elevated to the Supreme Directorship. 

Art. 5. The compensation of the director of the state shall be 
twelve thousand dollars annually, and he shall receive no other emo- 
lument. 

Art. o The person filling this office shall continue in it until a 
consti'ution be adopted, or until such time, anterior to it, as congress 
may deem proper. 

Art. 7. His title shall be that of Excellency, his guard and ho* 
nors those of a captain general of the army, respect being had to the 
ordinance. 

Art. 8. Upon his entrance into office, he shall before the con 
gress, cr such commissioner, or cor.unissioners, as they may appoint,- 
assisted !:y all the corporations of the plnce, take the following oath; 

*' I --, do swear, by God our Lord, and these Holy Evange- 
lists, that I will discharge faith fully., and con/'ormably to law, the office 
of Supreme Director of the state, to which I have been appointed; 
that \ will observe provisional regiJarion adopted by the sovereign 
congress the 3d of December, 1817: that 1 will protect the Apostoli- 
cal ilv^man C^lhoric religion, being ever w.'stc-hful to secure it respect, 
and observance; that I will defend ihe territory of the provinces of 
the union against all hostile aggres:/!on, -uJopting such measures as I 



[2] 



129 



may deem suitable to preserve its integrity and independence: and I 
wil) retire from this office when the sovereign congress shall so order. 
If I do thus, God prosper me, if not, to him and my country, will I 
be accountable." 

Art. 9. He shall watch over the execution of the laws, and the 
right administration of justice, urging its functionaries thereto, and 
to the carrying into effect the regulations of congress, giving for the 
last object, the necessary orders. 

Art. 10. He shall submit to the consideration of the national re- 
presentatives, projects and reforms, conducive to public happiness. 

Art. 11. He shall be commcinder in chief of all the forces of 
the state; and shall have under his orders the navy, the army of the 
lint-, and the national militia of every description, for the protection 
of civil liberty, the defence, tranquillity, and good order ojT all the 
territory of the union. 

Art. 12. He shall be the organ, and shall represent the United 
Provinces, for the purpose of treating with foreign powers. 

Art. 13, When he deems a rupture with any foreign power, ine- 
vitable, he shall submit to congress the causes which impel to it. 

Art. 14 If upon a view of these, or for other reasons, congress 
should decree war. the Supreme Director shall proceed to its solema 
declaration, being authorized to raise land and sea forces to diieCt 
their movements, and to adopt all the measures necessary to the com- 
mon defence, and the annoyance of the enemy, respect being always 
had to article 4, chap 1, sec. 6, of the army and navy. 

Art. 15. He shall have the power of commencing, conducting, 
and signing treaties of peace, alliance, commerce, and other foreign 
relations, which, however, to be valid, mast be approved by the con* 
•gress, within the time stipulated for their ratification, he transmitting 
in this stage of the negotiation all the documents relating to it. 

Art 16, In those cases in which secrecy is not essential to the 
happy result of negotiations, he shall submit to congress, their object, 
and their state, to procure from this body such assistance as may fa- 
cilitate them. 

Art. 17. He shall receive the anribassadors, envoys, and consuls 
©f other states, and shall nominate those whom it may be proper tt> 
send to foreign courts. 

Art 18. He shall appoint to all military offices, and employments, 
generalships of the army, and naval forces, conforming to the exist- 
ing ordinances of the army and marine, so far as they may be appli- 
cable. 

Art. 19. He shall have the power of rewarding meritorious offi- 
cers by promotion, and by bestowing medals of such form, and de- 
sign, as he may deem best without any allowance in money however, 
independent of the pay. 

Art. 20. He shall have the general superintendence over all the 

17 



130 [2] 

branches of the national property, and revenues, over mints, mines,, 
posts and high ways. 

Art. 21. He shall appoint for the present to all offices vacant in 
the Cathedrels of the United Provinces, and to all other benefices, to 
which pertain the right of presentation. 

Art. 23. He nnay suspend public officers for just cause; giving 
afterwards an account to congress. 

Art. 24) If the suspension be merely for reasons of policy, the 
sovereign congress itself shall take it into consideration. 

Art 25. If it be for imputed criminality, the sovereign congress 
shall appoint a conlmission which shall not be of their body, before 
which the Agentedela Camara shall accuse the person suspended, and 
the said commission, having heard the parties, shall declare whether 
or not he deserves to be removed from office. 

Art. 26. He shall have the power of removing officers Xrt other 
offices, and if. in consequence, they should be greatly prejudiced, they 
may bring the affair before congress. 

Art. 27. He shall nominate the three secretaries, of state — of 
the treasury— and of war, and their several officers, being responsi- 
ble for the bad selection of the first. 

Art. 28. He shall grant passports for travelling from the pro- 
vinces of the state by sea and land, and licenses for the loading, un- 
loading, and departure of vessels. 

Art. 29. He shall be particularly careful to preserve unimpaired 
the credit of the state, being attentive lo the collection of its reve- 
nues, and to the faithful payment of its debts, to the extent its ex- 
igencies will admit. 

Art. 30. He may of his own authority expend freely the said 
revenues in defence of the state, during the war it is now raging for 
independence, with previous information in writing, from the secre- 
taries of the treasury and of war. 

Art. 31. He shall confirm or revoke in conformity to the opinion of 
hisfl^esor, (who shall be the auditor general of war,) sentences passed 
on individuals by the military tribunes established in the armies, oA 
in the capital, or by the ordinary councils of war in the other towns of 
the districts. 

Art. 32. He shall have power of suspending the execution of 
the capital sentences, of pardoning or commuting punishments on the 
anniversary of the national independence, or on the occurrence of 
any signal event, which shall augment the glory of the state, hearing 
first the information communicated by the tribunal before which the 
convict has been tried. 

Art. 34. He shall every year transmit to the national representa^ 
tion, an exact statt^ment of all the receipts into the diffisrent treasuries 
of the state, and of the municipalities of the several provinces in mo- 
ney, or in credits together with the expenditures, debts, and credits, 
giving timely orders to those who ought to prepare said statement. 



m 



131 



Art. 35. The orders of the Supreme Director shall be obeyed^ 
exactly in the whole extent of the United Provinces. 

Art. 36. He shall grant letters of naturalization for the present, 
^d until a constitution be adopted. 

CHAPTER 2. 

Limits of the executive power* 

Art, t. The supreme director shall not send expeditions by wai- 
ter, or by land against any of the provinces in congress united or 
others of this coiitment, who are engaged in sustaming their inde* 
pendence, without the consent of congress previously obtained. 

Art. 2. He may, nevertheless, do so in those cases in which it 
is absolutely necessary to actprompdy, giving afterwards a particu- 
lar account of such proceedings to the congress. 

Art. 3. He shall, in no case, hold command of a particular re* 
giment. 

Art. 4. He shall not exercise any jurisdiction civil, or criminal, 
in virtue of his office, nor upon petition of the parties, he shall not 
alter the system prescribed by the law for the administration of jus- 
tice. 

Art. 5. He shall, in no way, interfere with the causes cogniza- 
ble by the tribunals of justice either when pending, or when sentence 
has been pronounced, or carried into execution. 

Art. 6. When the urgency of the case compels him to arrest any 
citizen, he shall within the third day after, place him at the disposal 
of the proper officers of justice to await their judgment, giviiig, at 
the same time a full statement of the motives of the arrest, and all 
other circumstances connected with it. 

Art. 7. With the exception of those cases in which a compliance 
with what is required in the preceding article would endanger the 
public security, in which case he shall hold the arrested in custody 
with the consent of his assessor, and the fiscal of chamber of appeals, 
who shall share with him the responsibility for the time necessary 
to take the requisite measures for safety, placing him then at the 
judges disposal. 

Art. 8. He shall neither impose new taxes, contributions, nor 
loans, nor augment those subsisting directly, or indirectly without a 
previous resolution of the congress. 

Art. 9. He shall issue no order, nor make any communication 
without the previous subscription of the secretary of the department 
to which the business belongs, in defect of which subscription, the 
order, or communication shall be void. 

Art. 10. He shall not grant to any person in the state monopo- 
lies, or exclusive privileges, except to the inventors of arts, or to es* 
tablishmenis of public utility, with the approbation of congress. 



132 [21 

Art. 11 The epistolary correspondence of the citizen is a thing 
sacredj which the director shall neither violate, nor intercept without 
incurring responsibility. 

Art. 12. In cases, nevertheless, of well founded fear of treason, 
or subversion of the public order, at the discretion of the director^ 
the secretary of state, and Sindico Procurador de commun^ who in this 
case, shall each have a vote, being bound to secrecy and under equal 
responsibility, the former shall have the power of proceeding, with 
his said associates, to open and examine correspondence. The same 
power, under the same responsibility, and like obligation to secrecy ia 
the governors, and lieutenant governors of the several provinces 
with their secretaries, and Suidico Procuradors, in defect of whom, 
the two first capitularies shall act. 

Art. 13. Those who, upon a scrutiny, as aforesaid, of corres- 
pondence shall appear to be guilty of the crime of treason, or sub* 
version of public order, shall be proceeded against and secured ac- 
cording to the greater or less imminence of the danger. 

Art. 14^ Except in the cases mentioned in article 30 of the pre- 
ceediijg chapter, the director shall not dispose of the funds of the 
state for extraordinary expenses, without the previous consent of the 
thvee secretaries, the assessor general and the fiscal of the Camara, 
and without its being made appear before the Escubano de Kaciendoj 
that the expenditure proposed, is useful and necessary. 

Art. 15. He shall not exercise the prerogative given him in ar- 
ticle 33, of the preceeding|chapter, in case of treason, and other ex- 
cepted cases. 

Art. 16. He shall not bestow any office, civil or mihtary, upon 
any person related to him in the third degree of consanguinity, or in 
the first of affinity, without the knowledge and approbation cf con- 
gress. • 

Art. 17. With the exception, of those who being already in ser- 
vice, may have been recommended for promotion by their respective 
chiefs, respect being had to seniority according to their merits. 

Art 18. He shall not confer the grade of brigadier, or of colo- 
nel major, without the knowledge and approbation of congress. 

Art. 19. Excepting the case in which for some brilliant actioE 
in war, or extraordinary military service, it may be proper to reward 
immediately, a chief whose grade is next to one of those abovemen- 
tioned. 

CHAPTER 3. 

Of the secretaries of state. 

Art. 1. The three secretaries of state shall discharge all the duo 
ties assigned them in the last ordinance, regulating their offices,^ 
which shall be in force, except where in contrariety to these articles* 



[2] 



133 



I 



Art. 2. TKey shall not in any case, business, or circumstances, 
deliberate without the previous order and notification of the di- 
rector. 

Art. 3. They shall have the power of communicating of them- 
selves, the orders issued by government, in the affairs of men, or 
importance, being bound to make an entry thereof in the book of en- 
tries, as is provided. 

Art. 4. They shall not attest decrees or regulations, contrary to 
the provisional regulation, not even at the request or command of 
the director; if compelled so to do, they shall make proper protests, 
and give immediate information of the affair to congress. 

Art. 5. They shall be removable at the vi^ill of the director, 
equally with their subordinate officers. 

Art. 6. When the removal is in consequence of inability, want 
of competent information, or any other defect compatible with in- 
tegrity, they shall be indemnified with other employments suitable to 
their circumstances and merit. They shall incur no stigma by 
such removal. 

Art. 7. When any one of these secretaries is removed for mal- 
versation, or upon petition of a party aggrieved, congress shall take 
cognizance of the case. 

Art. 8. The Supreme Director may, ex officio,or upon accusation, 
proceed summarily against the secretaries giving an account of the 
proceeding to congress. 

Art. 9. For the trial of the secretaries, congress shall appoint a 
ommission, either of their own members, or of others, or it shall be 
appointed by such other body as they may substitute. 

Art. 10. Sentence of acquictal pronounced by the commission, 
shall not necessarily be followed by a restoration to office. 

Art. 11. The secretaries may, for good cause, challenge the 
commissioners, and they may appeal from the sentence to three in- 
dividuals, to be chosen out of nine, whom the congress a second 
time nominating, shall appoint 

Art. 1 2. The salary of these secretaries shall be three thousand 
dollars annually, to eachj the official title senor, 

SECTION IV. 

Of the judicial pozven 

CHAPTER 1. 

Art. 1. The judicial power is in the body of the nation, until by 
them elsewhere placedj it shall be exercised for the present, and un- 
til a constitution be adopted by the court established in article 14, of 
the following chapter; by the courts of appeal (las camaras de ape- 



154 [2j 

laeiones,) and hy the aiher judges. For those cases which have no 
court assigned by the law, congress shall provide. 

Art. 2. The jadicial power shall be entirely independent of the 
executive and its principles, its form and extent yhall be subject to the 
laws by \yhich it is established. / 

CIIAPTES 2. 

Of the courts ofjmike. 

Art. 1. The courts of appeal (las camaras de apelaciones) shaVl 
have the same territorial jurisdiction as heretofore; shall be compos- 
ed of five individuals, and one fiscal; when united in a body shall 
have the title of excellency, (excellentia,) individually, that of usted 
simply; their salary shall be fifteen hundred dollars each, free from 
payment of first fruits (media annata) and all oih<::r charges. 

Art. 2. The presidency of the courts in the interior, and at cer- 
tain public assemblages, Bhall be held in turn by the five members 
every four months according to seniority; the president shall take the 
votes, attend to the despatch ot business, preservation of orderr, ex- 
ercising all the powers of the aiicient regentes^ so far as they conform 
to this provisional regulaticn, and shall have the title of senior in of- 
ficial matters. 

Art. 3. No one hereafter shall be named, even provisionally, for 
any of the ciSces of the courts of appeal, unless he be more than five 
and twenty years of age, and a lawyer who has practiced at least 
sis years. 

Art. 4i. When vacancies happen in these courts, no nominations 
of persons to fill them shall be made by the director; in each vacan* 
cy four persons, being selected by the same tribunals, from among 
the lav/yers of the district, after examination, and comparison of tal- 
ents and services, and proposed to him. 

Art. 5. The numerical order, in which the aforesaid four persons 
are proposed, shall give no preference, two of these shall be from the 
place where the court sits, the remaining two from other pans of the 
district. 

Art. 6. These ofHces shall be holden daring good behavior, but 
there may be removal from one count to another; and these officers 
shall be subject to scrutiny in their conduct every five years, or 
oftener, if justice should require it. 

Art. 7. The court shall have two Relatores to be chosen after 
competition had; the salary of each shall be fifteen hundred dollars, 
and they shall have no other emolument. 

Two assistants, one of the law civil, the other of the law crimin- 
J^l, dividing between them the business relating to the public reven- 
ues at the discretion of the fiscal. The salary of each shall b^ 



[23 



135 



twelve hundred dollars, without the ancient perquisite of vistas 
(presents.) 

Two bailiffs (porteros) who shall each have a salary of five hun- 
dred dollars, and who shall execute alternately for a week the office of 
alquacil. 

Six attornies (procuradores) whose intervention shall extend 
when parties choose to the subaltern judges of original jurisdiction, 
but not to the consulado, and the Juggados de Algadas y Disputacio- 
nes de Commercio. 

And two escribanos (notaries) who shall only receive fees for 
services actually rendered according to the regulation (arancel,) 
without those called tirns^"^ which are htrnceforth forbidden. 

Art. 8. They shall take cognizance, not only of all causes and 
business of which accrrding to prior laws, the now abolished au- 
diences had cognizance, but also of such astheprovisional regulation 
designates. 

Art. 9. Appeals from the decrees of the Tribunal ds Algadas de 
Commercio because of their nullity, or notorious injustice shail be de- 
cided in the aforesaid court of appeal (camaras.) 

Art, 10. The trial of appeals (algadas) shall be taken in turn 
iiy the members of the court of the district in which the appeal oc- 
curs. 

Art. 11 Questions that may occur between the ordinary and 
mercantile jurisdictions, shall be decided by the aforesaid president 
(camarista prcsidente) conforming to the character by which the 
consulado is established. 

Art. 12. Ihey shall take cognizance, for the present, of first 
appeals in cases of smuggling, and other branches of the revenue, 
leaving their trial, in the first instance, to the intendentes de provin- 
cia, but in cases of capture, or detention of vessels by public or pri- 
vate armed ships, the cognizance sa.U continue in the tribunals in 
which it is already vested. 

Art. 13. When a second appeal is taken, because of nullity, or 
notorious injustice, the courts after hearing had, shall transmit an 
account of the proceedings, with the documents, to the director. 

Art. 1-i. \yho, with the advice of his assessor general (asesor 
general) shall nominate immediately a commission of five lawyers, 
who shall decide the cause, and having done so, shall be dissolved, 
while exercising this office shall have the title of excellency. 

Art. 15. There shall be named by the director of the state, in 
the capital of every province, upon the recommendation under oath of 
its court, a lawyer v/ho shall exercise the functions of judge of ap- 
peals throughout the said provinces. 

Art. 16. His salary shall be eighteen hundred dollars, free 
from first fruits, and other charges. 

*Fees paid when appeals were taken , 



136 [2] 

CHAPTER 3. 

Of the administration of justice. '• 

Art. t. Justice shall be administered according to the princi- 
ples, and method which have been heretofore observed, so far as is 
compatible with the subsequent provisions. 

Art. 2. The judges of appeals in the several provinces shall 
take cognizance of all appeals in civil cases from the ordinary alca» 
des, and other ministers of justice. 

Art. 3. Appeals to the camaras, to the full extent given by 
law, shall be alloweoto those interested in all cases, except those in 
which the amount of property involved is one thousand dollars, or 
less, when two similar sentences shall be conclusive. 

Art. 4. They shall have cognizance of criminal causes of every 
kind referring to the court of appeals (los camaras) those'which ac- 
cording to law ought to be referred to them. 

Art. 5. Parties in the said causes shall have the privilege of 
resorting directly to the courts of appeal, (las camaras) passing by 
the provincial judge. 

Art. 6. The ordinance of the twentieth of April, eighteen hun- 
dred and twelve, shall be abolished. 

Art. 7 In criminal cases the accused shall have the privilege 
of choosing a person to assist him (padrino) who shall be present at 
his confession, and at the examination of the witnesses without pre- 
judice to the lawyer established bylaw, and the practice of the 
courts. 

Art. 8. The assistant mentioned in article seven shall take care 
that the confession and depositions of the witnesses shall be heard by 
the notary or judge, clearly and distinctly in the terms in which they 
may be expressed, without modification or alteration, assisting the 
accused, whenever from fear, want of intellect, or other cause, he is 
unable, unassisted, to make himself understood 

Art. 9. Criminal caitses of all classes which may be pending 
without this new mode of defence, shall be prosecuted according to 
the usual course of law. 

Art. 10. The taking of oaths shall be restored without inno- 
vation in all cases, except that of the accused's confession of his own 
criminalty. 

Art. 11. Sentences to hard labor, to whipping or a banishment, 
shall not be executed without previous consultation with the courts 
of appeals (las camaras) under the penalty of tvv thousand dolars, and 
perpetual disqualification, to be inflicted upon the jud'ge violating this 
important article. 

Art. 12. Except in those extreme cases, in which the public 
safety is so greatly endangered by popular commotion, or other 
cause as not to admit of executions being deferred? information 
being always given to the camaras. 



[2] 



137 



Art. 13, All sentences in criminal causes to be valid must be pro- 
nounced according to the express letter of the law; the infraction of 
this article shall be a crime, in the magistrate, punishable by the 
payment of costs, and all losses incurred in consequence. 

Art. 14. B}' the last article, it is not intended to repeal the laws 
authorizing the infliction of punishment, at the discretion of the 
judge, according to the nature and circumstances of the offence; 
neither is intended to re-establish any others, which, from their 
cruelty, have been abolished, or softened by the practice of the su- 
perior tribunals. 

Art. 15. No individual shall be arrested, without semi-plenary 
proof of guilt, at least, which shall be stated in the previous pro- 
cess. 

Art. 16. At the end of the third day, the accused shall be in- 
formed of the cause of his arrest, and if the judge arresting be not 
authorized to take any further steps in the case, he shall refer it to 
the officer, to whom its recognizance belongs. 

Art 17. No accused person shall be prevented from taking the 
sacrament after his confession, nor at any time for more than ten 
days without just cause, which shall be entered of record, informa- 
tion of the obstacle to his communicating being given to the accus* 
ed every third day while it continues. 

Art. 18. Persons being lor safe keeping, and not for the pun- 
ishment of the accused, whatever, under the pretext of securing, 
serves only maliciously to harrass, shall be punished by the superior 
tribunals, and proper indemnity being given to the aggrieved. 

Art. 19. To decree arrest, seizure of goods, and examination 
of papers, against any inhabitant of the state, his name, or the 
marks which distinguish his person, and the object of the proceed- 
ing, must be mentioned in the decree. 

Art. 20. When gt:)ods are seized an inventory shall be carefully 
made of them in the presence of the accused, a duly attested copy of 
it shall be given to him, and they shall be placed for safe keeping in 
the custody of the notary employed in the case, or in defect of him, 
of the judge decreeing the seizure, and two witnesses. 

Art. 21. When, at the time of seizure it is impracticable to 
make the aforesaid inventory, the goods shall be secured under two 
keys, one of which shall be taken by the judge, the other by the ac- 
cused; when this is not practicable, the chests shall be closed, and 
sealed in his presence, and the doors of the house, which as soon 
as circumstances will admit, shall be opened in his presence, and the 
inventory made. 

Art. 22, When the seizure must be made in the absence of the 
accused, the judge shall name a respectable and substantial citi- 
zen, who shall act for him, and be recompensed in proportion to 
his labor, but if the absence of the accused arises from sickness, 
he shall appoint such person as he pleases, as his substitute, 

18 



138 [2] 

Art. 23. The judge, or deputy arresting any citizen (not being 
taken in the act) without conforming to article fifteenth of this chap- 
ter shall be removed; he who fails to do what is prescribed when 
goods are seized, shall be responsible to the owner, and make good 
any loss accruing in consequence. 

Art. 24. The Tribunal de Concordia, being abolished, the judge 
having original jurisdiction, before taking cognizance of a cause, 
shall use all possible means of reconciling the parties. 

Art. 25. Notaries shall serve personally notices on the parties.. 
who are to subscribe them. In case of resistance, or incapacity ta 
sign, the service shall be supplied by a witness, with a statement of 
the detect. 

Art. 26 If the notary shall not find the party to be notified, at 
his house, he shall seek him there twice more, if then he does not 
find him there, he shall leave a paper signed by him, which shall 
contain the decree, or other matter he goes to serve, and it being 
made to appear in the process, that due diligence has been used to 
execute it, the same effects shall result as if the party had been 
personally notified. 

Art. 27. Every omission of the notaries, in a matter so interest- 
ing, shall be punished by the judge before whom the cause is pend» 
ing according to the enormity, and other circumstances of the case 

CHAPTER 4. 

Of the governors of provinces. 

Art. 1. The governors, and lieutenant governors shall not, in 
virtue of office, have ajiy jurisdiction, civil, or criminal, retaining 
however, all the powers relating to revenue, police, and war. 

Art. 2 The code of the intendencies shall be observed by them, 
and all other, to whom it relates, save only what relates to the 
junta superior de hacienda, which shall be abolished, and also what 
may be contrary to this provisional regulation. 

Art. 3. Neither the governors, nor lieutenant governors shall 
use the power which the 15th article of the said code gives for 
confirming the decrees of the Cabildos. 

Art. i. In ihose cases, however, of well founded fear, that 
the public order will be subverted by executing said decrcss, they 
may suspend them, being responsible should the director not pre- 
viously approve the proceedings. 

Art. 5 All that is prohibited in chapter 2, section 3, to the Su- 
preme Director of the state, shall be also forbidden to the governors^, 
and lieuienat governors so far as it is applicable to their respective 
ofiices. 

Art. 6. The office of d^-puty assessor of the intendencies, as es- 
tablished by the code mentioned in art. 2, shall be suppressed. Those 



[2] 



>i3§ 



who have obtained this office, shall be attended to by the courts (Ca- 
maras) in their recommendations for other employments- 
Art. 7. The governors, while in ofEce, shall appoint as secreta- 
ries, such persons as they please, who must, however, be lawyers, 
and who shall assist them in the departments of government, enumer- 
ated in article 1, of this chapter, tbey shall, when they have thus no- 
minated, inform the director, that he may grant proper commissions. 
Art. 8. The salary of such secretary, shall be, for the present, 
twelve hundred dollars a year, including the six hundred provided 
by the code mentioned in' article 2, for the expenses of the secretary- 
ship, free from first fruits and other charges. 

Art. 9. No public officer of the government, mentioned in the 
chapters of this section, shall receive any emoluments, except in case 
of services rendered in defect of the notary, other than those assign* 
ed by law to his office. 

SECTION V. 

The mode of choosing public officers, 

CHAPTER 1. 

Of the manner in which the governor^ lieutenant governor ^ and 'sup* 
delegados shall be chosen^ 

Art. 1. Governors, lieutenant governors, and subdelegados, 
shall be appointed by the director of the state, from the lists of per- 
sons eligible, either within or without the particular province, which 
the several Cabildos, the first month after election, shall form and 
transmit to him. 

Art. 2. These lists, which shall be printed, shall not contain 
more than eight, nor less than four persons for each province. 

Art. 3. Of those comprehended in one list, no more than two 
shall be chosen, unless a third should be included in the lists of ano- 
ther province. 

Art.*. The appointments of subdelegates of districts, having a 
numerous population, without Cabildos, shall be made provisionally, 
until municipalities are established in them. 

Art. 5. The aforesaid officers shall hold their offices for the term 
of three years, at the expiration of which, they shall be subject to 
scrutiny into their conduct, (residencies.) 

Art. 6. The salary of governors of provinces, in territory actual- 
ly free, shall be three thousand dollars, and that of lieutenant gover- 
nors, two thousand. 

Art. 7. If any individual, by artifice, ititrigue, bribery, or other 
unlawful means, procures the insertion of his name on the aforesaid 
list, it shall be erased therefrom by the director of the state, and he 



140 [2] 

shall be declared incapable of holding any office, there being sufficient 
evidence of his guilt. 

Art. 8. If the Capitulares are, in any way delinquent in forming 
the said lists, they shall incur the punishment in the last article men. 
tioned. 



CHAPTERS. 

Election of Cabildos* 

Art, 1. Election to deliberative offices, (empleos consiples) shall 
be by the people, in the cities and towns where Cabildos are esta- 
blished. But the notifications to electors shall not extend to those 
who reside beyond their precincts. 

Art 2. I'he citizens, nevertheless, of the vicinity and county 
in the exercise of the rights of suffrage, may vote if they so think pro- 
per, at said election. 

Art. 3 The city or town, shall be divided into four sections, in 
each one of which, the citizens comprehended in it shall vote for as 
niaay electors as correspond to the number of inhabitants In said dis- 
trict, ID the proportion of one elector to every five thousand souls. 

Art. 4. In the cities and towns, whose population may not be 
suScient for the appointment of five electors, five shall, however ne- 
cessarily be chosen, each votable voting in his own section for such 
persons as he deems proper. 

Art. 5 At this election shall preside, a Capitular, associated 
with two Alcaldes de Vamo, and a notary, or in defect of him, two in« 
habitants of tht vicinity, in the quality of witnesses; and it shall be 
holden on the fifteenth day of November. 

Art. 6. The votary being concluded in the several sections, all 
the votes shall be collected in the Sala Capitularj and being publicly 
counted by those who have presided as aforesaid, associated with 
the Aldaldt de Primer voto, those shall be elected who have a majo- 
rity in their favor. 

A'^t. 7. The electors shall meet on the 15th of December, in the 
same Sala Capitular, to make the election for the ensuing year, and it 
beiiig made, they shall notify the elected, in order that they may be 
ready to eater upon their offices, as soon as the term of service of the 
Cabildo they are to succeed, expires, information being given to the 
governor and to the director of the state. 

Art. 8. The Cabildos, the second day after entering into office, 
shall elect the Alcalde ^ de Barrio Hufuandad 2Lnd Pedaneros, who may 
be necessary to maintain order and administer justice, according to 
the powers vested in them, in all the curacies and departments of the 
country, comprehend( din their respective territories. 

Art. 9, They shall form a book for the said elections, which 
shall be made to fall upon persons of the best repute for talents and 
integrity, residents in the vicinity, and who know how to read and 



[2] 



141 



write; and they shall transmit a list of the persons elected, to the go- 
vernor OF lieutenant governor of the province, for his information. 

Art. 10. They shall appoint an assesor, Letrado, who must be of 
the corporation, and one of the Alcaldo Ordinarios. 

Art 11. The Cabildo, shall establish the salary of the asesor, it 
being charged upon the funds of the municipalty; if it has not been pre- 
viously established, when such funds are inadequate, information shall 
be given to the Supreme Director, in order that he may make proper 
provision. 

Art, 12. The governors and lieutenant governors andCabildos 
already established, under the highest responsibility, shall be required 
to inform the congress of the places in which, from iheir possessing 
the requisite population, it may be proper to erect new corporations, 
with the titles of cities or tov/ns. 

CHAPTER 3. 

Mode of appointing 7ninisterial officers. 

Art. 1. Those public officers, who are required to be lawyers, 
with the exception of the asesores de Cabildo, and secretarios, ases- 
ores de intendencias, shall be nominated by the director, upon the 
recommendation under oath, of the courts of appeal for the respec- 
tive districts. The order in which persons may be named in the 
aforesaid recommendation, shall give no preference. 

Art. 2. Recommendations for appointments to military offices of 
every grade and description, shall be strictly made according to the 
order and scale, which the ordinansa general del exercito prescribes. 

Art. 3. Appointments to offices relating to revenue, police, dock- 
yards, manufactories, the office of captain of the port, and the like, 
shall be made by the director upon the recommendation of their res- 
pective chiefs according to seniority, when there is an equality as to 
ability and services. 

Art. 4. The list of persons recommended shall be published by 
the chief recommending in the office or department where the vacan- 
cy happens, at least eight days before he transmits it to the director, 
that opportunity may be affiDrded to those aggrieved by it, to obtain 
suitable redress. 

Art. 5. When his interposition is proper, the director shall inter- 
pose and proceeding summarily, declare the recommendation just, 
if he so finds it, and go on to nominate, or return it to the chief mak- 
ing it, to be amended. 

Art. 6. In commissions, the qualifications and condition of the 
person commissioned, shall always be expressed^ without which he 
shall not be enrolled in the tribunal of accounts and the offices which 
belong t© it, nor receive the salary to which he would be otherwise 
entitled. 



142 [2j 

Art. T, Appointments to the offices of chiefs of every description, 
shall be made by the director, irespect being had to the right of choice 
in those in the vicinity where the vacancy happens, if such right ex- 
ist, and timely information being given, as far as the public interest 
will admit; the director shall be responsible for the bad selection of 
the said chiefs. 

Art. 8. All other offices in the state, the appointment to which, 
3s not by law otherwise vested, shall be open to the director to be fill- 
ed by him with such citizens as he may deem most suitable. 

Art. 9. AH ministerial offices shall be holden during good be- 
bavior,, 

CHAPTER 4. 

Of the mode of electing the deputies from the provinces to the general 

congress. 

Art, 1. Prior to the meetings of the primary assemblies (asam- 
bleas primarias) to be holden for the election of the deputies of the 
provinces, there shall be taken an accurate census of all the inhabi- 
tants of each district, unless it has been already done, at least eight 
years from the present time, with a statement of that portion of the 
population inhabiting cities, towns, and villages. 

Art. 2. The primary assemblies in the cities and towns which 
Iiave municipalities, shall be held in four sections, in each of which 
shall preside one member of the municipality, and two jucces de bar- 
rio, of the greatest probity, assisted by a notary, if there be a compe- 
tent number of these oMicers; if otherwise, in the presence of two 
witnesses. 

Art. 3. In every section, the votables shall vote for so great a 
momber of electors as shall correspond to the total of population, in 
such manner as that there shall be one elector for every five thousand 
souls; but if the city or town does not admit of division into four sec- 
tions, all the citizens shall vote in one place. 

Art. 4. In the country, the same proportion shall be observed at 
elections, but the method as to the sections shall be different. 

Art. 5. In every primary assembly, there shall be sections, and 
each citizen shall vote therein for an elector. 

Art. 6. The principal judge of the curacy, and the curate with 
ihree neighbors of probity to be appointed by the municipality of the 
district, shall meet at the house of the first, and shall receive the 
votes as they are given in, depositing them immediately in a small 
chest under three keys, which shall be distributed between the judge, 
ihe curate, and one of the aforesaid neighbors. 

Art. 7. The vote may be given either verbally or in writing, 
open or closed, as may be most agreeable to the voter; in it he shall 
name such person for the office of elector, as he shall think proper* 



m 



14S 



Art. 8. The voter, after he has given io his vote, and if verbailv, 
after its insertion in a schedule, shall retire; the judge shall attend 
particularly to this to prevent confusion and altercation. 

Art. 9. If any one be charged at such election or afterwards, with 
either offering or taking a bribe, he shall immediately make verbal 
defence before the five judges of the section, the accuser and accused 
being confronted, and the charge being substantiated, he shall forever 
after be incapable of voting, and be ineligible to any office; false ac- 
cusers shall suffer the same punishment as those they accused would 
have done, had the charge been substantiated. 

Art. 10. The voting shall positively be concluded at the end of 
two days; the votes of each section shall remain shut up, and the fol- 
lowing day the alcade, with two of the three associated neighbors, 
aforesaid, shall take the chest containing them to the seccion de nu- 
mero, the curate then delivering that key which was entrusted to him* 

Art. 11. The district of United Curacies, which shall include ia 
its territory five thousand souls, shall be the seccicm de numero. 

Art. 12. If there should be no town in the district of the sec- 
cion de numero, the municipality of some neighboring territory shall 
designate the curacy, which shall be the head of the section, prefer- 
ring always the most populous and deciding questions, which ma^ 
arise in it. 

Art. 13. To the head of the section de numero, shall be brought 
the chests of the secciones de proporcion^ and they shall be received bj 
the judge, the curate, and the three associated neighbors aforesaid, 
who opening them shall count the votes, declaring and certifying the 
majority; all this shall be dene publicly * 

Art. 14. Those chosen electors, shall be informed of their elec* 
tion, and shall immediately repair to the place where the electoral 
assembly is to be held. 

CH.1PTER 5, 

Of the electoral assemblies. 

Art. 1. The electoral assembly shall meet in the town hoiise of 
the city or town, which has a municipality, where they shall assemble 
on the day appointed according to distance and other circumstances, 
without delay. 

Art %. The governor, lieutenant governor, or subdelegado, who 
may be at the head of the municipality, shall preside at the first act 
of the electors, which shall be to nominate a president from among 
themselves to preserve order: he having the majority of votes shall 
be president, and upon his election, the president pro tern, shall give 
place to him and retire immediately. 

Art. 3. The proceedings of the electoral assembly shall be put 
in writing by the notary (see Esecebano) of the municipality, and this 



144 [2] 

assembly shall only have the power of doing previo\isly to the bu- 
siness for which they are chosen, such things as are necessary to es- 
tablish the regularity and validity of its election, without occupying 
for su^h purpose, more time than is necessary of four and twenty 
hours. 

Art. 4. It shall proceed immediately to the election of deputies 
for the congress, and the election shall result for the present, from a 
simple plurality of votes. 

Art. 5. If the case should be such, that by the scattering of the 
votes, and adherence to them after the third voting, no simple ma- 
jority results, then, those between whom there is an equality of votes, 
shall draw lots and this shall decide. 

Art. 6. No elector shall vote for himself; within three days the 
election shall positively be concluded, and the result published, the 
president shall immediately inform each person selected of his elec- 
tion, transmitting a proper certificate authenticated by the notary of 
the fact. 

Art. 7s As the number of deputies to form the general congress 
must depend upon the census spoken of in article 1, chap. 4, there 
shall be such regulation, that for every fifteen thousand souls, there 
shall be one representative named. 

Art. 8. Should there be any fractions, the following rules shall 
be observed: 1. If in the seecion de numero, there should.be any 
fraction not exceeding two thousand five hundred souls, only one 
elector shall be voted for, but if it exceed that number, two. 2. If in 
the district of fifteen thousand souls, which each deputy shall repre- 
sent, there should be any fraction exceeding seven thousand, and five 
hundred souls, there shall be named for them in the electoral assem- 
bly o;?^ deputy; but if the fraction should be less, they shall not have 
such additional representative; but be considered as represented by 
the deputies of the provinces. 

Art. 9. Each province may lessen the number of its representa- 
tives, conferring the necessary powers, and giving the proper instruc- 
tions to those they may deem sufficient, if the want of sufficient funds, 
distance, or other just cause, prevent their naming the number 
lidequate to their population, with the express condition that in such 
powers, the cause of the diminution be stated. 

Art. 10. No one while in the office of representative, shall hold 
any other public ofl^ice, employment, or commission; if he accept any 
other, he shall lose the first; but if his constituents, after his so losing 
jtreelect him; he may in this case hold the two offices, exercising 
the last by deputy. 



[2] 145 

SECTION VL 

Of the army and navy, 

CHAPTER 1. 

Of the marine and regular troops. 

Art. 1. In all that relates to the naval forces, the last ordinance 
©f marine (ordinanza de marina) shall be observed, so far as it is con- 
formable to the actual circumstances of the state. 

Art. 2. The director shall have the whole military authority, 
and^ae commander in chief of the navy, the army, and the militia: 
he shall appoint a commandant of each, the Estado, mayor general, 
serving at present in lieu of them. 

Art. 3. The provision in article 3, of the limits of the executive 
power, shall extend equally to the chief of the Estado, mayor gen- 
eral, and the generals of the army. 

Art. 4. New regiments shall not be created, while those already 
created are not filled up. 

Art. 5. The supernumerary officers of all descriptions, who at dif- 
ferent epochas of the government, may have been dismissed from ac- 
tive service, either with reason or without, (which §hall be ascertain- 
ed,) upon declaration of their readiness to serve, shall be classed for 
appointments to vacancies in the regiments, without prejudicing those 
actually serving in them, or to other vacancies suitable to the circum- 
stances of the individual. 

Art, ,6. If the supernumeraries in the preceding articles mention- 
ed, should have received whole pay, or half, or one third, the direc- 
tors of the state, shall require from the officers of the treasury, a ca- 
talogue of them, and the orders that may have been received for 
their payment; correcting them according to what results from the 
provision in said preceding article. 

Art. 7. Until there be a complete regulation on this head, there 
shall be no appointment to offices of profit except those of escala na- 
tural in the regiment, upon the recommendation of their respective 
chiefs, according to the ordinance and through the medium of the 
estado major general, to whom the scale of classification, mentioned 
in article 5, shall be sent, that it may appear who are in service and 
who are not. 

Art. 8. Until the establishment of the uniform systems mention- 
ed in art. 17 of this chapter, the tribunal mihtar, established under 
the regulation under which it was governed, shall continue in lieu of 
the ancient commission; it being the duty of the defender of the ac- 
cused to be present at confession. 

Art. 9. That article of a prior regulation, which imp(>3es upon 
deserters the punishment of death for the first offence, and which de- 

19 



146 i [2] 

dares that the plea of pay being withheld shall not avail, being abo- 
lished, in future, the ordinanzo miletar shall govern, and the punish- 
ment it provides for cases of desertion be alone imposed. 

Throughout the state shall be observed the ordinance of 30tb 
January, 1814, as to the supplying vacancies caused by desertion. — - 
^Jstote-^The following art, was in the original, erroneously marked the 
10th.') 

Art. 11, Governors, lieutenant governors, and sudelegados, shall 
be ever watchful for the apprehension of deserters, if they fail in this 
particular, it shall be one of the first duties when residencia* takes 
place, to inflict upon them exemplary punishment. 

Art. 12. If neglect in this particular be proved against them be« 
tore their offices expire, it shall be the indispensable duty of the di- 
rector to remove them, 

Art, 13. The alcaldez de hermandad and pedanc^s de las cura- 
tes, for like neglect, shall incur for the fust oilence a fine of one hun« 
dred dollars, to be applied to defraying the expenses of recruiting; 
and upon the repetition thereof, be removed. 

Art 14. The soldier who shall inform against a deserter, shall, 
upon his apprehension, be rewarded with ten dollars, and the abate- 
ment of two 3^ears of his term of service. 

Art, 15. The subaltern officers shall read frequently to the sol- 
diers of their resgective companies, the ordinances of the penal laws 
from art. 26 to art. 43, inclusive, of Tit. 10, Trat. 8. 

Art. 16. This ordinance being in a great measure altered, shall 
be without delay reduced to order by another v/hich shall be formed 
by a military commission of three individuals, to be named by the di- 
rector, associated with the asesor general of v^ar, and being framed, 
shall be transmitted to congress for its sanction. 

Art. 17. The director shall also name another commission of 
five individuals, military men of the most extensive information, who 
shall form a uniform military system, embracing the regular forces of 
the state and national militia. 

Art. 18. He shall also appoint another commission composed of 
as many individuals as he thinks proper, to form a uniform system 
for the regulation of the marine, in all branches embracing arrange- 
ments as to ports, the establishment of nautical and mathematical 
schools, and transmitting it when formed to congress. 

Art. 19. He shall establish in the capital a permanent academy, 
appointing its president for the instruction of cadets of the regiments 
of infantry and cavalry, upon a plan to be furnished by the estado 
mayor general, and approved by the director, 

* Residencia — According to the Spanish law, officers at the expiration of term of 
service, are bound to reside for a certain period in the places where they exercised their 
oSices; to give an opportunity to proceed against their malversations. 



m 



U7 



CHAPTER 2a 

Of the national militia. 

Art. 1. Every individual of the state being in America, every 
foreigner enjoying the right of suffrage, every European Spaniard, 
with letters of naturalization, and all free persons of African or mixed 
blood, inhabitants of the cities, towns, villages, and country, from the 
age of fifteen to sixty, unless incapacitated by infirmity, are soldiers 
of the state, bound to support the independence which has been de- 
clared 

Art. 2, From the aggregate of all these inhabitants shall be form- 
ed with all possible speed, ifi ail the respective provinces by the res- 
pective governors, lieutenant governors, and subdelegadoes, a body 
of national militia of infantry or cavalry, according to the quota of 
the province, and upon that footing as to force, which the director 
shall determine by regiments, battalions, squadrons, or independent 
companies, subject to the legulation of the 14th, January, 18.01, 
made for the provincial militia, the estado mayor general giving in- 
formation of variations and additions when deemed necessary. 

Art. 3, The governor, lieutenant governor, and subdelegado of 
each province shall be commander in chief of its militia, while in of- 
fice, and shall make all recommendations for promotion to the di- 
rector, through the medium of the estado mayor general, in the de- 
partment of Buenos Ayres: the governor shall in like manner com- 
mand the militia, if he be a military man, if not, the commandant 
general de les armes shall command. 

Art. *. In the national militia shall be included all persons who 
have obtained commissions in it, since the date of the last cited re- 
gulations, being Americans or European Spaniards, with letters of 
naturalization. 

Art. 5. It shall be one of the first duties of the governors, lieu- 
tenant governors, or subdelegados to preserve the national militia in a 
state of good discipline. 

Art. 6. The principal object of this militia shall be to defend 
the state and to aid and reinforce the army of the line, when it shall 
be necessary. 

Art. 7. When it may be necessary to detach a portion of the mi- 
litia to reinforce the army of the line, the above mentioned chiefs 
shall do so with persons having no just ground to claim exemptions 
from the service, supplying immediately the place of the force de- 
tached in order to preserve entire the national force of the province. 



# 



♦ 



148 [2] 



CHAPTER 3. 

Of that portion of the militia termed civicos. 

Art. 1. Of the inhabitants of the several cities, towns, and villa* 
ges shall be formed the corps of civicos by regiments, battalions, or 
independent companies. 

Art. 2, This militia shall be solely of such as have property 
worth one thousand dollars at least, of the owners of open shops, and 
of all who exercise a trade, or pursue some public occupation. 

Art. 3. In the department of Buenos Ayres, the civicos shall be 
subject to the Cabildo in subordination to the supreme director. 

Art. 4. Of the residue of the inhabitants the Cabildos shall have 
the command of as many as they can organize without prejudice to 
what belongs to the governors, lieutenant governors, and subdelegados 
in virtue of their offices. 

Art. 5. The appointment of officers, to captains inclusive, shall be 
made by the director upon the recommendations of the chiefs of regi- 
ments, which the Cabildos shall transmit through the medium of the 
estado, mayor general. The Cabildos shallby themselves recommend 
for officers of higher grades. 

Art. 6. Those persons only of the regular army incorporated as 
chiefs, as sergeants or corporals for the purpose of instruction, shall 
be out of the ordinary civil jurisdiction in order better to prevent un- 
just imprisonment. 

Art. 7. The principal duties of the civicos shall be to maintain 
good order in the towns, to assist in the administration of justice and 
defend the country. 

Art. 8. No soldier of tb^ army, of the line, or militia, national, 
or civic, to whom arms have been entrusted, shall use them factiously 
against any inhabitant of the state. 

Art. 9. The persons thus misusing them, shall be tried and pun- 
ished within the third day, by the judge to whom the cognizance of 
the offence belongs, for the satisfaction of public justice, deeply inter* 
ested in personal security. 

SECTION VII. 

Personal security and the liberty of the press. 

Art. 1. For those actions offending neither against public order 
7^or interfering with private rights, men are solely accountable to 
God. 

Art. 2. No inhabitant of the state shall be obliged to do that 
which the law does not clearly and explicitly command, nor restrain- 
ed from that which it does not in like manner prohibit. 






[2] 149 

Art. 3. Crime is solely the infraction of laws in full force, since, 
without this requisite, they are not obligatory. 

Art. 4. No inhabitant of the state shall be punished without pre- 
vious legal sentence, and regular process. 

Art, 5. All orders that shall be issued by magistrates in the reg- 
ular exercise of authority, to promote public order, or to regulate the 
business pertaining to their office, shall be in writing. 

Art. 6. Excepting orders relating to the army in matters belong- 
ing to the service, as to which the ordinance of the provinces of the 
Union shall be observed. 

Art. 7. Every citizen may keep in his house powder, and arms, 
for the defence of his person and property, in those urgent cases in 
which he cannot avail himself of the protection of the magistrate. 

Art. 8. The government shall not take possession of such arms 
unless the public defence should require them, paying their just 
value. 

Art. 9. The house of a citizen is a sanctuary, which it shall be a 
crime to violate; it shall not be forcibly entered except in case of re- 
sistance to legal process. 

Art. 10. The right of forcible entry, given by art. 9, shall 
be exercised with moderation, personally by the judge issuing 
the process, and in case of his being utterly unable to act in person, 
the order delegating the power, shall be in writing, with all necessary 
specifications, a copy being given to the individual when apprehend- 
ed, and to the owner of the house, should he so require. 

Art. 11. No citizen shall resist the arrest of his person or the 
seizure of his goods when decreed by a competent magistrate, but he 
sh:;ll have the right of claiming the full benefit of the provisions in favor 
of personal security, contained in chap. 3, sect, 4, of this provisional 
regulation. 

Art. 12. Every man shall have the liberty of remaining in the 
territory of the state, or departing therefrom as he thinks proper, so 
long as the public security is not thereby endangered or its interests 
prejudiced. 

Art. 13. The preceding provisions in favor of personal liberty- 
shall never be suspended. 

Art. 14. Except in those extreme cases in which the public secu- 
rity may require such suspensions; the public authorities driven by so 
lamentable a necessity to this measure, shall give an account of it to 
congress, who shall examine into its cause, and the time of its dura- 
tion, 

CHAPTER. 2. 

Liberty of (he press. 

Art. 1. The decree concerning the liberty of the press, 
which was issued Oct. 26th, 1811, and which is incorporated in this 
chapter shall be observed. 



150 M 

Art. 3, To facilitate the use of this liberty it 13 declared that any 
individual, be he native or foreigner, may freely erect printing 
presses in any city or town of the state, with this sole condition, 
that he shall give previous information to the provincial governor, 
lieutenant governor, and Cabildo, and that everything printed shall 
bear the name of the printer, and of the place where the press i» 
erected. 

Art* 3. The intendentes policia, shall be particularly careful 
that in periodical works, and public papers, the greatest possible 
decorum shall be preserved, without failure of the respect due to 
magistrates, to the public, and to individuals. 

Art. 4n In cases of violations of article 3d. it shall be the duty 
of the said intendentes to give notice to the tribunal of the liberty 
of the press, which conformably to the laws establishing and regu- 
lating it, shall scrupulously examine the matter- 

Becree cf the liberty of the press^ of October 20th, 1811. 

Art. 1. Every man may publish his opinions freely, and without 
previous license, (previa censura) all laws and regulations contrary to 
this liberty shall be of no effect. 

Art, 2. The abuse of this liberty is a crime, when it invades 
private rights, its prosecution belongs to the persons interested, and 
to all the citizens when it endangers the Roman catholic religion, the 
public tranquillity, or the constitution of the state. The magistrates 
having cognizance shall impose the punishment according to law. 

Art. 3. To guard against abuses in the classification and gradu- 
ation of crimes of this kind, there shall be created a body of nine 
mdividuals with the title of protectors of the liberty of the press. In 
order to its formation the Cabildo shall present a list of fifty respect- 
able persons not employed in the administration of the government, 
from these selections shall be made according to plurality of votes* 
The electors shall be the prelado eclesiastico, alcalde de primer vote, 
sendico procurador, fiscal de la camera, and two respectable persons 
cf the vicinity, nominated by the Cabildo. The escabano de pueblo 
shall certify the election, and respective commissions which shall be. 
deli\ ered to the elected without loss of time. 

Art. 4. The power of these protectors shall be limited to deter- 
mining whether or not there be criminal matter in such publications 
as may be submitted to them. The punishment of the crime, after 
the evidence is declared, shall belong to the magistrates. The pro- 
tectors shall hold their offices for one year, at the expiration of which 
there shall be a new election. 

Art. 5. The third ol the votes in favor of the accused, shall be 
a sentence of acquittal. 

Art. 6. Any party interested appealing, the protectors shall 
chuse by lot, nine individuals of the forty -one remaining on the liat^ 



[2] 



151 



ovt of which they themselves were selected, these shall review the 
matter, and their sentence, if in favor of the accused, shall be irrevoca- 
ble. In cases of challenge for just cause, the places of the challenged 
shall be supplied in the same manner. 

Art. 7. The same method shall be followed in the provincial 
capitals, substituting for the Prior de Corsulado, the Deputado de 
comercia, and for the Fiscal de la Camen, the Promotor Fiscal. 

Art. 8. Works which treat of religion shall not be published 
without scrutiny by the diocesan. In case of accusation, the work 
shall be re-examined, by the same ecclesiastic, assisted by four of the 
protectors, and the majority of votes shall constitute an irrevocable 
sentence. 

Art. 9. Authors are responsible for their works, or the printers, 
not making it appear to whom they belong. 

Art. 10. This decree shall be observed, till congress otherwise 
determine. 

FINAI. CHAPTER. 

General provisions* 

1. The reglamento de policia (regulation of police) issued the 
^2d day of December, 1812, for the capital and province of Buenos 
Ayres, shall subsist for the present under the following limitations: 
The powers of the intendente de policia, shall remain vested as they 
are in the governor of the province; the three commissaries, with 
the powers and duties designated in the said regulation, shall con- 
tinue for the present under the inspection of the governor, and among 
them seniority as to the possession of office shall alone give pre- 
ferencej except their salaries they shall receive no emolument for 
services performed in quality of commissaries. The governor shall 
undertake no work requiring expenditure of public money without 
previous consent of the Cabildo and the approbation of the director. 
Every payment shall be made according to the mode prescribed in 
the said regulation. No payment shall be made at the treasury with- 
out the approbation of the supreme director, and the treasurer shall 
replace money paid by him contrary to this article. The 3d, 4th and 
5th articles, which establish an assessor, portero, and escribano de 
ramo, shall be repealed, the last office being exercised by a like offi- 
cer of the general government. The Sth, 10th, and 14th, shall only 
have effect so far as they are compatible with personal security, lib- 
erty of the press, and other rights of man, which have been declared. 
The 41st, of the circular instruction to the alcaldes de bario, shall be 
observed so far as it is compatible with the chapter upon the liberty 
of the press. All the change that may have been made contrary to 
the said reglaments de policia, and to what the estatuto provisional, 
(provisional statute) of May Sth, 1815, in article 1, final chapter 



152 [2] 

of general provision provides, shall be amended, the office of four 
commsisaries last established being suppressed. 

2. The Cabildos of the other cities and towns of the state, shall 
appoint a commission of four persons of the vicinity, of the best in- 
formation and the greatest zeal for the public good, who, keeping in 
mind the said reglaments of the capital, shall form one suitable to the 
circumstances of the place, transmitting it to congress for their ap- 
probation. 

3. Securities for the due discharge of duty shall be required 
from all officers, according to the nature of each office; the laws for- 
merly requiring them being hereby restored. Those exercising offi- 
ces, for the due performance of which security ought to be given, 
are peremptorily required to give it Within six months from the date 
of this provisional regulation, the director and governors attending 
to this, with the privilege of taking four securities, each security 
binding himself for one-fourth of the whole amount. 

4. To the officers of the treasury (ministras de hacienda, and 
the officers of the custom house, administradores de aduania) shall 
be restored the covecive jurisdiction for the recovery and collection 
of debts, certain and liquidated, in favor of the state. 

5. The laws and decrees made by the last convention (asam- 
blea) as to religious profession, shall be of no effect. 

6. Contributions imposed in one province for its special benefit, 
shall not extend to the other. 

7. All the provinces in the union, cities and towns, having Cabil- 
dos, may, without the necessity of obtaining permission, giving, how- 
ever, previous information to the director, make all the establish- 
ments they may deem useful and promotive of their industry, pros- 
perity, arts, and sciences, without prejudice to the friends of the 
stat€, 

8. All those in possession of letters of naturalization, which have 
not been issued by the former general constituent assemby, by the 
present congress, or the Supreme Director for the time being, in vir- 
tue of the decree of 29th August, shall present them to the present 
one for ratification, should they deserve it, without which they shall 
be of no effect. 

9. All the officers of the government, including the Su« 
preme Director of the state and his secretaries, shall, upon termination 
of office, be liable to inquiry into their conduct, the director and his 
secretaries, before congress, the others before judges to be appointed 
by the congress, the last shall be liable to such secretary for four 
months after termination of office. 

10. The present provincial regulation shall be observed 
throughout all the territory of the state, ftom the time of publication, 
which the director shall cause to be made in a convenient form. 
Those articles of the provisional statute (estatulo proviscina) passed 



[2] 153 

fay the junta de observacion^not comprehended herein, being repeal- 
ed, and all anterior laws, regulatienj, and decrees in opposition t itj 
being in like noanner repealed. 

Sanctioned by the general congress, sealed with the provisional 
seal, signed by the president, and countersigned bv his 
secretary, in Buenos Ayres, the third day of December, 
A. D. one thousand eight hundred and seventeen, 

PEDRO LEON GALLO, President« 

Doct. Jose Eujenio Eleas, Secretary. 



fiQ 



154 [2] 



H. 

(Copy.) 

The director (ad interim J of the state, in Buenos Jiyres, to the citizens 
of all the provinces^ 

I could wish by means of a detailed manifesto, to explain to 
the people every step which has been taken for the purpose of estab- 
lishing concord with the chief of the Orientals, and the difficulties 
which hav^e constantU opposed thhmselves to so desirable an object; 
bv rh'-s means, also, holding out a warning to all minds of the evils 
which must flow from these unfortunate differences. But for the pre- 
STOf. this iy not possible, nor so necessary as the immediate communi- 
cation to all of the results of our last negotiations. 

No mystery has been attempted in this business, even the minut- 
est particulars have been made known to all such as were desirous of 
b' ^g informed; but at a distance, every thing is liable to misrepresen- 
tadon; it IS ther fore my duty toprovid against it. For this purpose, 
I CO! fine m- self for the present, to the publication of the documents 
n< rt-^sary for the information that may be desired, these will save me 
the trouble of a state en: hat may possibly deserve the imputation of 
bemg made with passion; while the citizens of all the provinces will 
thus be left at liberty to form their opinions according to the dictates 
of their reason, without being led astray by partiality. 

It ic notorious that J sent deputies to the chief of the Orientals, 
in ' rder that we rraght fix upon some plan of establishing such an 
ur>derstapding an -harmony, a would be sufficient to avoid reciprocal 
aggressions, until the general congress should be assembled, and ar- 
range our differences on permanent principles. 

The propositions reciprocally made, did not satisfy either; the 
decision was reserved for a future congress. 

Such was the state of things, when there appeared in this city 
four deputies, sent from an assembly of the Orientals, and united 
with these, Cordova, Santa Fee, and Corientes, with official instruc- 
tions from general Artigas, which authorized them to enter into 
stipulations. The documents subjoined, have originated from this 
procedur- . 

Finally, after refusing to sign the statement No. 2, of the docu- 
ment No. 3, they returned, giving assurances by word, that they went 
in peace; and they were answered, " peace be with you " People of 
the provinces, it is for you to judge; the case is yours, and your safe- 
ty is the supreme law of the state, 

(Signed) IGNACIO ALVAREZ. 

Buenos Ayresy Sth August, 1815, 

GrEGORIO TAGJiE, 



[2] 



155 



Plan for the esfahlishment of harmony^ presented by the deputatkn of 
the chief of tht Orientals, to the government of Buenos Jiyres, 

There shall be an union, offensive and defensive, between the 
provinces under the direction of the chief of the Orientals, and the 
government of Buenos Ayres. 

The troops of Buenos Ayres which passed over to the easter? shore 
of the Uruguay, shall be considered as purely auxiliary, until the; oc- 
cupation of Monte Video; there shall be restored of what was carried 
away from that place, three thousand stand of arms, one thousand 
swords, twelve pieces of light artillery, of two's, four's, and sixe's. 
There shall be mounted on the fortifications, the number of pieces of 
artillery that may be requisite, the principal portion to be brass, with 
the necessary material for all and each of said cannon; nine gun boats, 
with all requisite supples: powder, fixed ammunition for cannon of 
every caliber, also for small arms, and fifty five thousand flints; one 
half of the mortars taken away; the bombs, grenades, with every- 
thing for using them, together with the printuig press. 

To Santa. Fee, there shall be delivered five hundred stand of 
arms. 

To Cordova, a like number. 

The remainder of the articles withdrawn from the Oriental pro- 
vince of the Uruguay, shall remain in Buenos Ayres as a deposit, for 
the j'urpose of aiding the other provinces, to be used at the instance 
of the chief of the Orientals, and for the aid of the province of Bue- 
nos Avres itself, according to its future exigencies. 

The deputation has the honor to scate to his excellency, the di- 
rector of Buenos Ayres, that they will cheerfully enter into any dis- 
cussions, to which their propositions may give rise, with the magis- 
tracy of this capital, according to the "ZSih article of the 1st chapter, 
section 3, of the provisional statute. 

(Signed) MIGUAL BARRIERO, 

JOSE ANTONIO CABRERA, 

JOSE Garcia de cassio. 

Buenos ^^yresj 3d July y 1815. 



Official letter of his excellency the director of the state^ to the chief of 

the OrientaL 

The deputation sent by your excellency to this government, pre- 
sented your esteemed communication of the 29th ultimo, which at the 



156 [2] 

same time that it served as the credentials of the mission, manifested 
the desire of conciliation which animates your excellency. I was in- 
deed induced to expect from this, that the mission had been directed 
to propose more reasonable grounds of accommodation, than those 
offered by yourself to my deputies, Coronel Pico, and D. Riverola, 
Judging bv my own heart, 1 considered the negotiation already end- 
ed. 1 requested the deputies to give me their proposals in writing, and 
the following day they reproduced in substance the same as before 
offered, with the addition of several supernumerary articles. I im- 
mediately took steps to assemble the authorities according to the pro- 
vision in such cases of the 25th art. chap. 1st, sec. 3d, of the provis- 
ional statate, by whom the sulject has been maturely considered, and 
the plan- pr^^posed anew on your part, duly weighed; they have resolved 
to give for answer, that the claims of your excellency ought to be left 
to the supreme judgment ')f the general congress of all the provinces: 
that if in reality, the sovereignty ot this august bijdy is to be recog- 
nized, it is proper to wait for its determination, which will irrevoca- 
bly terminate our differences. We concurred in our private opinions 
how injurious to the common v^ause these di'^cords muse be, particu- 
larly in this important portion of the country; the sending to your ex- 
cellency the before mentioned deputies was an act dictated by vhe ne- 
cessitx of coming to an amicable understanding, so that the expedi- 
tion expected from the peninsula, should find us acting in concert, as 
I have expressly stated in my communication ot the eleventh of May. 
In such circumstances it was plainly for the common interest that we 
should at least agree not to make war upon each other, even if we 
should be unable to agree upon any thing else; it never could be just 
to expose the fate ot all the provinces by disputes between the Ori- 
entals and Buenos Ayres, for advantages reciprocally claimed over 
each other. But since the danger whicli threatened us is dissipated, 
let us await the decision of the supreme congress oo our cause; if we 
are liberal in our principles, and are not disposed to wrong the 
other provinces, let us give them a share in the adjudication of rights, 
when it so properly belongs to them. 

Buenos Ayres, by the sacrifices she has made, has been reduced 
to her present state of honorable poverty; her efforts were made as a 
member of the union, and as the capital of all; as a member, she has 
brought all her wealth into the common fund; as the capital, she has 
received contributions from the other members^ without discrim na- 
tion But for none has there been so much expended as for Monte 
Video. Your excellency, in her name de-oands those articles which 
have been taken awav, and generously bestows a thousand stand of 
arms upon Cordova, and Santa Fee, tht remainder to remain in de- 
posit, in this place, to be u-ied at your instance (see intervention) to 
aid the other provinces. The difficulty consists in this, that if all the 
other 'provinces should f0lL>w the ex umpies of the Orientals, and de- 
mand what they have contributed, Buenos Ayres will also come in for 



[2] 



157 



a share, and it will be her duty to make an equal distribution of the 
property which has been saved in the general bankrupcy, to each cre- 
ditoi, according to the amount of his credit. But Buenos Ayres can- 
not be both party and judge; it is therefore evident that the next con- 
gress is the only tribunal for the decision of this important cause» 
Until then, (aspiring still to the praise of acting with the same modera- 
tion, you have shewn in the midst of the severe trials experienced ia 
the cause of liberty, as you have observed in your communication,) 
your conduct will be such as to preclude the occurrence of unhappy 
contentions; while, on my part, I shall do nothing but to endeavor to 
prevent it. To this end, 1 have ordered a force to Santa Fee, witU 
instructions to publish the proclamations herewith enclosed. The 
deputies of your^excellency have experienced some detention, because 
havmg informed them of the measure before mentioned, I was ap- 
prehensive that they would hasten to your excellency in order to op- 
pose the carrying it into effect with the necessary tranquillity. 1 hey 
have not with all persons observed the greatest prudence in their con- 
versation, forgetful of their character in which they appeared, and of 
the frankness which they were received in this city. 

I ought not to omit, on this occasion, to satisfy your excellency 
with respect to the surprise which you tell me in your letter^ already 
noticed, of the 10th of July, was felt by you at my stating in mine of 
the 1st of the same month, that your excellency was unwilling to en- 
ter into details on the subject of the establishment of mutual harmo- 
ny. This complaint, which, I confess, surprised me much, was made 
by your excellency in your communication of the 18th of June, 
brought by my deputation. Your excellency will please to examine 
the original, and I hope your excellency will not persist in assertin:g 
officially, what can thus be refuted. Let us not be intolerant bccaua^s 
we happen to differ in matters of opinion. Athens and Lacedemon, 
under different forms of government, attained equal glory and felici- 
ty; we have differed as to what best suits us, we have not yet iixed 
on the kind of government that is to be adopted, and for this reason 
our differences appear to be interminable; so that in whatsoever 
mode tjje question is received, there is the greater reason for refer- 
ring it to the decision of the general congress; we shall otherwise be 
at variance, without the possibility of coming to a compromise; may 
the day of its accomplishment, with the establishment of our ardently 
desired liberty, soon arrive. 

(Signed) IGNATIO ALVAREZ. 

Suenos Ayres ^ lift Jiigiist^ 1815. 

Gregorio Tagx.e, Secretary. 



158 [2] 

Official letter of Bon Jintonlo Saens., to the director of the state^ ac- 
companied by the notes deaignattd 1 and 2. 

Most Excellent Sir^ 

I have entered into conference with the deputies of rhe chief 
of the Orientals, in pursuance of your excellency's instructions. I 
considered it expedient not to defer it until they should produce suffi- 
cient credentials from the congress of Paysander of which they de- 
clare themselves the deputies: it appeared to me that the informality 
of their powers ought not to stand in the way of the establishment of 
an honorable peace when the stipulations might afterwards be legali- 
zed by confirmation; and as it is not possible for them to obtain reg- 
ular from the congress which no longer exists, the adjustment may still 
be considered as made with the chief of the Orientals. After protract- 
ed debates, it was finally agreed that peace should be established, and 
that the Orientals should renounce their pretensions. Without a mo- 
ment's loss of time, I proposed the establishment of its basis according 
to the principles agreed upon, and to sanction it by our signatures. But 
I soon found that in their conceptions it was not so easy to sign as to pro- 
mise. They then delivered me the signed paper No. 1 . I saw that it was 
not in my power to affirm it, on accountofthe doubts which it presented, 
and the interpretations of which it was susceptible, the simple propo- 
sition which it contains being conceived in vague and indefinite terms, 
and the authority of the SupremeDirector narrowed in an offensive man- 
ner, placing it even below ttiat of the chief of the Orientals, and be- 
ing changed into the simple government of Buenos Ayres; and, final- 
ly, because it is not couched in the terms used amongst civilized na- 
tions. For these reasons I presented them the note No. 2, and re- 
quested their sanction. They replied, that the articles were con- 
formable to what had been argued upon, in our conferences, but that 
they were all consequences of the single article establishing peace, 
&c.; they said they would religiously pledge their faith and honor, 
for the true performance of them, but that they were unwilling to 
sign the paper; this is the only reason they have thought proper to 
give for a conduct so strange. They dropt something, it; is true, 
about its not being expedient to sign at the present moment, although 
just to do so, and that they would give an explanation of the reasons 
more fully on their return home. Such have been the subterfuges 
with which they have evaded signing the accommodation which I 
proposed them,' and such also is the result of our protracted confer- 
ences. The most earnest and energetic representations have been 
unavailing to induce them to desist from a conduct so injurious. The 
conferences at length closed, without effecting any thing. 

I have the honor to be, &g. 

(Signed) ANTONIO SAENS. 

Buenos Ayres^ ^th August^ 1815. 



P3 159 



To the supreme director,, 
3Vo. 1. 

The citizens Don Jose Garcia de Cassio, Don Jose Antonio de 
Cabriera, Don Pasqual Andino, and Don Miquel Barriero, deputies 
from the congress of the Orientals, to treat of peace with the govern- 
ment of Buenos Ayres. have terminated a conference with citizen 
Don Antonio Saens, authorized by his excellency for that purpose^ 
with this only proposition: 

There shall be peace between the territories under the govern* 
ment of the chief of the Orientals, and his protection, and the govern- 
ment of Buenos Ayres. 

(Signed ) MIQUEL BARRIERO, 

DON JOSE GARICIA DE CASSIO, 
DON PASCAL ANDRINO, 
JOSE ANTONIO CABRERA, 

Signed at Buenos Ayres the 3d ofAugusty 1815, 



No. 2. 



The commissioner, on behalf of his excellency the Supreme Di*^ 
rector of the state, appointed to treat of peace with the four deputitrs, 
who have come for this purpose from Paysander, sent by general Ar^ 
tigas, requires, that the sole proposition of peace, which they have 
subscribed, should be reduced to a formal, and solemn treaty, as ex- 
pressed in the following articles. 

First. There shall be perpetual peace, friendship, and alliance be- 
tween the chief of the Orientals, and the government of Buenos 
Ayres. 

Second. The same shall be established between the citizens who 
reside under the government and protection of each. 

Third Both territories and governments shall be independent of 
« :h other. 

Fourth. The Parana shall be the line of demarcation between 
them. 

Fifth. Each of the contracting parties shall renounce all claims 
to indemnity, for what may have been attributed to the common 
cause. 

Sixth. They likewise oblige themselves to send deputies to the 
congress of Tucuman, 



160 [2] 

Seventh. The vessels which have left Buenos Ayres for Monte 
Video, or other parts under the chief of the Orientals, shall be per- 
mitted to return. 

Eighth A veil thall be cast over the past, and no one be perse- 
cuted for his conduct heretofore. 

Ninth. The four deputies of the congress of Paysander, shall 
prodi>ce sufficient powers to ratify the treaty. 

Tenth. The present treaty shall be ratified by the competent 
authorities in three days, and by the congress assembled at Paysan- 
der, within twelve, 

(Signed) ANTONIO SAENS. 

Buenos Jyres, 3d August y 1815. 



Another offcial letter from his excellency^ the director of the state ^ to the 
chief of the Orientals, 

After having delivered to the deputies from your excellency the 
eommunicaiion dated the first of the present month, advising you of 
the result of the last negotiations, they proposed, that some mode 
should be adopted to render negotiation less difficult. [ immediate- 
ly took steps for this purpose, in order that the deputies might de- 
part in peace, and that the same should be with this government, 
I repeated that I should be unchangeable in my principles of modera- 
tion, and that I would preserve all possible harmony as far as was 
compatible with the honor and interests of the provinces over which 
I have the honor to preside. I expect the like sentiments on the 
part of your excellency, and in this confidence, I pray you to permit 
the return of the vessels which have left this river in good faith to 
the ports of the eastern shore, and which suffer great prejudice in 
consequence of the detention. In this case, justice will acquire the 
credit of generosity, and variance of opinion on the part of the go- 
vernments will be less calamitous to the unfortunate citizens who 
have no part in their discords. 

(Signed) IGNACIO ALVAREZ. 

Buenos Ay res, August 7th^ 1815. 

Gregorio Tagle, 

To general Jose JirtigaSy chief of the Orientals, 



[2] 161 

I. 

General *Art7gas to the svpreme director , Vueycrredon-, 
(Translation.) 

Excellent Sir, 

How long does your excellency mean to sport with my foi* 
bearance? Eight years of revolution, oi privations, of dangers, of re^ 
verses, and misfortunes, ought to have sufficed to establish the rec- 
titude of my intentions, and the character of my government; tht dig- 
nity of the Oriental people has more than once shone forth: they 
ought to know the delicacy i have manifested in reference to the in- 
alienability of their sacred rights; and your excellency has the bold- 
ness to insult them! Your excellency is doing every thing in your 
power to provoke my moderation; the thought of this alone should 
cause your excellency to trencible. However specious may be the 
motives alleged in support of such conduct, th'ev are incompatible with 
the general interest assailed by the Portuguese aggression. Your 
excellency is guilty of a criminal conduct in repeating those slander- 
ous insults under cover of which the enemy believe the success of 
their invasion to be certain. 

It is in vain for your excellency to attempt a display of the gen- 
erosity of your sentiments; the course of events alone is sufficient to 
refute the attempt, and these prov- iiat your excellency is more zeal- 
ously occupied in embroiling the nation, than inspiring freemen witlv 
the energy which should animate them against tyrants, otherwise, 
how could your excellency have ventured to publish the pretended 
recognition of the government of Buenos Ayres by the Orientals? A 
crime of so revolting a nature could onlv be perpetrated by the most 
impure hands; and your excellency has had the audacity to commitit! 
But it was in conformity with the mysterious plans of your excellency 
to destroy the firmest rampart opposed to their execution. A people 
enthusiastic in the cause of their liberties must be taken bv surprise: 
the dangers are every moment increasing, and the recognition, before 
mentioned, was brought in aid of your excellency's designs lor our 
common destruction. Your excellency knows sufficiently well the 
dignity of my character, and that the unjust reproaches heaped upon 
me are the offspring of your pe^rfidy: and this is the foundation upon 
which your excellency rests vour disgraceful neutrality! But it is in 
vain to imagine, that this paltry excuse can justify yourexcellenc> in 
the treachery of supplying the enemy at Monte Video with wheat, 
wh'le besieged by me It is also a fact little to the honoi of your 
cxcellencv, that you have made arrangements for a third expedition 

21 



162 [2] 

against Santa Fee, wltli a view to foment the intrigues of the Parana, 
and pronriotc insurrection on the eastern shore. The same unfriendly 
disposition induced you^ excellency to protect the Portuguese who fled 
from Seriano, sending them back to their general, while instead of 
practising a similar generosity toward the chief of the Orientals, you 
did not think proper to return the arms and other articles, which 
those persons carried with them in the vessels on board of which they 
fied. It is thus that your excellency has endi av©red to seize a favor- 
able moment to light up the fire of discord, to plot with the Portu- 
guese, and excite disaffection in the regiment of Libertos, seducing 
them to your side, and receivitig them in triumph: an act of so gross a 
character cannot he mentioned without scandalizing the perpetrator; 
and vour excellency is still the Supreme Director of Buenos Ayres. 

An officer, openly in the service of Portugal, could not have 
acted more faithfully for his king; and to the impartial mind it must 
have been evident that your conduct was dictated by motives mtich 
mnre bl^ck, than the cold neutrality which you allege. But whatev- 
er may be the merit of our respective criminations, sound reason de- 
clares them to be out of place, in the presence of an ambitious stran- 
ger; more than once have I exhibited an example to your excellency^ 
of my determination to act up to this principle. Alas! It is but too 
trur. that the road of virtuous patriotism, is as rough as the name of 
country is deHghtful. Without proving a traitor to your own under- 
standing, it IS impossible for your excellency to be indifferent upon 
the subject of the detestable incursion of general Lecor, into our ter- 
ritory. Your excellency has already protested against his conduct, 
anc5 how will vour excellency deny the work of your own hands? 
Are not the Portuguese of this year, the same as of the last? Do not 
the same complaints exist now as then? Has not your excellency out- 
raged the people of Santa Fee, and in them, those of the other pro- 
vinces? Confess sir, that you have no other object in putting on this 
affected neutrality, but to conceal your intrigues. The Supreme Di- 
rector of Buenos Ayres, neither can, nor ought to be neutral. Did 
pot your excellency accuse the Portuguese general of violating the 
laws of civilized warfare, in the threat he held out against the Orien- 
tals? And how can this be reconciled to the character of a neutral? 
Be then a neutral, an indifferent spectator, an enemy; but let me tell 
you to beware of the just indignation of those, who having sacrificed 
every thing to the love of liberty, fear nothing but its loss. 

Renounce the despicable expectation that on the ruin of the Ori- 
enials you may one day raise the lofty column of your glory, and our 
degradation The greatness of the Orientals is only to be compared 
With itself. They know how to meet dangers, to subdue them, and 
to be reanimated by the presence of their oppressors. I, at their head, 
shall march wherever danger threatens. Your excellency knows me 
and ought to fear the justice of my vengeance. Your excellency does 
cipt cease to repeat insults, offensive to ipy moderation, and to th^ 



[2] 



163 



discredit of the common cause. Your excellency ought not to think 
me insensible. While I am in the field, engaijed ia a bloody conflict 
with the invaders, you are laboring to weaken our force by mingiing 
with itan affair, which does not fail to excite well founded suspicions. 
While I am engaged in opposing the Portuguese, you are taking 
measures to favor them: wou'd your excellency in my place have 
regarded these things with a serene countenance? I acknowledge to 
your excellency that I have made a sacrifice of my feelings to my 
country which claimed a concentration of all its forces. It was this 
which induced me to seek a peace with your excellency, while you 
were endeavoring to provoke me to a war. I opened the door, whichj 
for weighty reasons, I ought to have kept shut. I sent back to y- u 
the officers taken prisoners, without subjecting them to the sufferings 
which ought to have followed the crime of iheir violent, and cruel ag« 
gession agamst an innocent people. Your excellency cannot deny 
those acts of generosity, and which, notwithstanding your repeated 
promises of reconciliation, you have not been able to equal. 

It is true your excellency did send some supply of arms t6 
the Parana, but without giving me ilie least intimation of t: this 
deceitful act had for its object, the exculpation of your excellency 
from thie charge of indifference, in the eyes of the provinces, arid 
evinces the fertility of your machinations; but do not think that this 
shallow artifices will enable you to escape. AVe have just experienc- 
ed the effects of this generosity, in the disturbance of the Parana, 
and Entre Rios. Can it be concealed from the provinces with what 
views these arms were distributed, when done wi'houtthe knowledge 
of the chief.^ Let me pray your excellency to cease your generosity, 
if such are to be its efirects: let me beseech you to refrain from aiding 
the country, if you can do nothing but obscure its splendor: by such 
hateful scenes? No, sir, it is not from you, that our country can ex- 
pect to he freed from the ambition of the Brazdian king: instead of 
boasting of having saved the country, your excellency has nothing 
to boast of, but of having tortured my patience to the utmost point 
of endurances, t have suffered for my^ country, and yet, your excel- 
lency dares to criminate me in public, and in private. I have no 
B-ed like your excellency of having dc fenders; incontrovertable facts 
speak in my behalf- 
Sir, I am still ready to enter into an amicable adjustment of our 
dlff^-rence, so as to unite our forces agauist the Portuguese; and I 
repeat the offer which I made in June last. I then requested, that 
deputies should be sent, with full powers to draw closer, and closer, 
the ties of union. Your excellency could not deny the importance 
of this request, and engaged to send them. In consequence of this, 
I announced to the people the pleasing hope of reconciliation; but 
until the present dav, nothing but disappointment has been the result; 
your excellency, it seems, has had the affrontery to announce that 
deputies were expected from the eastern, shore^ at Boenos Ayres, 



i^ 



164 



[2] 



It T.J but little becoming in youf excellency to frustrate so desirable 
an object, and aftewards calumniate me: tbis is tbe last insult I am 
wiilipg to bear, and benceforth must request your excellency to be 
silent. Such imposture is not less injurious to the reciprocity of the 
countrv, than insubing to me. In opposing the reconciliation of the 
two shores, your excellency can be regarded in no other light, thaa 
as a criminal, and unworthy of consideration. 

Your excellency by this time must be wearied in bearing truths, 
but you ought to be more so in giving cause for them. They are 
stamped with the characters of smcerity and justice. Your excellen- 
cy has occasionally provoked my moderation: my wounded honor 
will demand satisfaction, i speak for once and for all, your excellency 
is responsible before the altars of the country, for an inaction incom* 
patible with i(s interests, and the day will, when its justice will call 
you to a severe account. 

In tbe mean time, ! challenge your excellency to appear with me 
in front of the enemy, and to combat with a courage which will dis- 
plf^^y all the virtues that render glorious the American name. 

I have the honor to salute you excellency with cordiality and 
respectful consideration, 

FERNANDO JOSE ARTIGAS. 

Purification^ J^ov ember 13,1817. 



[2j 



1^5 



J. 

TRASIATION. 

Extract from the Gazette of Buenos Ayres of the 5th of 
February, 1818. 

ij^rvAsiojsr of the Portuguese. 

In the Gazette of the 1st of Decemher last, we published the 
official letter of his excellency the director, to the Portuguese gene- 
ral in the Banda Oriental, requiring him to cease his march into a 
territory, whose union with the United Provinces of the South, had 
not been renounced, but accidentally suspended. The Portuguese 
general, in his reply, denied the principles on which this protest 
was founded, insisting on the pretext which had induced his court 
to a rupture so unjustifiable; but as at the same time, he referred for 
his justification to the orders of his prince, from which he was not 
at liberty to depart, there were reasons to suspect that from the 
slowness of his operations, and other circumstances, that he might 
possibly have received instructions to suspend his marches, and eva- 
cuate the country unjustly invaded. This doubt has disappeared 
with the event, and the occupation of Monte Video, has been pre- 
ceded by an action, in which that precious soil has been moistened 
hy the blood of its sons. We shall hereafter make some further 
observations upon this conduct; at present we shall insert the reply 
of the Portuguese general, as also an ofiicial letter of his excellency 
the director, transmitted by Don Manuel Roxas^ who sailed for Mon« 
te Video the 2d of the present month. 



Official letter of the General of the Portuguese army, in the Banda 
Oriental, in reply to that of this government, published in the 
Gazette of the 1st of December last, 

MOST EXCELLENT SIR, 

Taking into consideration what you have been pleased to 
communicate to me in your official letter of the ISth of October 
last* past, delivered to me by colonel Vedia, on the 24th of this 
month, November, I can assure your excellency, that my marches 
have for the r sole object, the removal of the germ of disorder from 
the frontier of the kingdom of Brazil, and the occupation of a 
country abandoned to a state of anarchy. 

» This letter has been niislaid. 



166 [2j 

This wise and necessary measure, ought in no respect to ex- 
©ite uneasiness in the government of Buen-js Ayres, since it has 
been executed in a territory, which has declared itself independent 
ef the westei-n side. 

The most scrupulous regard has hecn paid to the armistice con- 
cluded on the 26th of May, 1812, establishing amity between the 
two countries; and in case of being attacked, I shall only act on the 
defensive, until the receipt of further orders from my king and 
sovereign. 

The proclamation which I enclose to your excellency, [the same 
which has already appeared in our newspapers,] will make known 
the spirit in which I come to this unfortunate country by the com- 
mands of my sovereign. 

I continue my marches, which can only be suspended by order 
of the king, my sovereign; and it will shortly be in my power, to 
manifest to your excellency the good faith of my military operations, 
by a better opportunity and from a nearer point. 

I thank your excellency for the occasion you have afforded me, 
of being acquainted with colonel Yidia, 

God preserve your excellency. 

Head-quarters, in Paso of San Miguel, 27th November, 181:6» 

CARLOS FREDERICO LECOR, 

Lieutenant GeneraL 
JUmo, and Exmo» 

D* Juan Martin Pueijrredon. 



Reply to the foregoing letter by the Supreme Director*, 

MOST EXCELLENT SIR, 

The suspension w hich I observed in the operations of the ar^ 
my under your command, after the receipt of your reply of the 2rth 
of November last, together with the proclamation which it enclosed, 
gave me reason to hope, that your excellency doing honor to the ar- 
mistice concluded the 26th of May, 1812, between his H. F. M. and 
this government, whose violent infraction I protested agamst under 
date of the 31st of October last, would refrain from giving rise to 
the hoiTors of war; or at least, that you would enter into some tem- 
porary arrangement, until the explanations of your court could be 
obtained, in an affair considered not less important to the inhabi- 
tants west of the Urugay and the Parana, than to those of the Ban- 
da Oriental. Your excellency, notwithstanding, at an unexpected 
moment, hastened your marches; and, under the sole justification of 
force, have gone so far as to oppress with your arms, the place 



[2] 



167 



Mhicli you now occupy, but without any other effect than to con- 
vin< «- you of the abomination with which its inhabitants regard eve- 
ry ibreign yoke. 

The assurances which your excellency presents to this govern- 
ment, in your beforementioned official letter, far from affording 
tranquillity, only excites our alarm; and the United Provinces, in 
the last steps of your excellency, can discover nothing but the sad 
presage of the evils, which threaten them, should they remain in- 
sensible to the aspirations of a foreign power, over a constituent 
part of the nation. 

In order to demand an explanation of this aggression, upon the 
rights of the provinces, so notoriously unjust, I have determined to 
send an envoy extraordinary to H. F. M. as also to learn the origin 
and object of a war, which will be provoked with a state at peace, in 
order to secure the immunity of the Banda Oriental. 

Until the reply of H. F. M. shall have been received, I hope 
your excellency will not prosecute the war in that territory, but im- 
mediately suspend the operation of your arms, under a provisional 
armistice, which will be entered into by means of a person whom I 
shall send with sufficient authority, so soon as your excellency will 
inform me of your willingness to meet my proposal, as I hope will 
be done by the hand of colonel Manuel Roxas, who is the bearer of 
this communication. 

If your excellency, in strict obedience to the orders of your 
sovereign, under these extraordinary circumstances, should conti- 
nue the war, your excellency will be responsible to humanity for 
the blood that will be shed; and the impartial world will justify 
the means of indemnity, that will be taken for the sacrifices of 
conquest, protesting, as I do, against all usurpation of territory, 
comprehended within the limits recognized before the opening of the 
campaign of your excellency, and beyond the frontiers of the king- 
dom of Brazil. God preserve your excellency many years. 

JUAN MARTIN PUEYRREDON. 

Souse of the government of Buenos JlyreSf 
ist February f 1817. 

Gen. Frederico Lecor, 



NoTi^t'-^Documents C, K, and L, are omitted. 






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